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ll eventually distinguish us. We cleave to this | and travaileth in pain together until now.' This is hope, for it is not fallacious.

3. And not only so, but we glory in tribulation also,' &c. He, as it were, corrects the former statement. We have not only a glory in expectation, but in present possession; and what was it? Afliction. He is opposing the opinions and reasonings of the world.

In the view of the world we are afflicted: we seem abandoned and rejected by God; and this reproach upon the gospel deters the generality of mankind from embracing it. This mode of reasoning indeed seems legitimate enough-afflictions are curses, that is, evils: and therefore signs of God's displeasure. But Paul on the contrary assures us that they are not curses, but are proper occasions of glorying; for they are not signs of the divine displeasure, but intimations of the love of God.

"We have then a double glory-the one which is the greatest is in expectation, consisting in the renovation of our nature, and the enjoyment of eternal life; but this glory we possess in hope: the other glory is in present possession, and it consists in affiction: for although the world judges that affliction is an evidence of divine anger, yet we know it to be an indication of his love; and obedience to his afflictive dispensations to be a new and acceptable kind of worship.

"Four things, therefore, ought to be well impressed upon our minds respecting afflictions:

"1. They are appointed. We do not suffer affliction by chance, but by the determinate counsel and permission of God.

"2. By means of affliction God punishes his people, not that he may destroy them, but to recal them to repentance, and the exercise of faith: for afflictions are not indications of displeasure, but of kindness-' He willeth not the death of a sinner.'

"3. God requires us to submit to his afflictive dispensations, and to expend our indignation and impatience upon our own sins; and since he determines to afflict his church in the present state, submission tends to glorify his name.

"4. Resignation however is not all; he requires faith and prayer, that we may both seek and expect divine assistance. Thus he admonishes us, 'Call upon me in the day of trouble, I will answer thee, and thou shalt glorify me.'

"These four considerations are applicable to all our afflictions, and are calculated if properly regarded, to produce that truly Christian patience which essentially differs from mere philosophical endurance.

"CHAP. VIII. v. 3-God sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, for sin condemned sin in the flesh.' It is elsewhere stated, he was Made sin for us. These words are peculiarly emphaticalChrist is represented as being made sin or a sacrifice for sin: it is a Hebrew form of expression, corresponding with the Latin term piaculum, and the Greek katharma. A similar idea is conveyed in the use of the word curse or anathema, and which signifies any thing devoted to punishment in order to propitiate the offended deity. In this manner Isaiah speaks of Christ, 'thou didst make his soul a sin,' that is, an offering or sacrifice for sin: and Paul frequently inculcates the same sentiment in his second epistle and fifth chapter of the Corinthians, 'He who knew no sin was made sin for us,' that is, an offering or victim who sustained the punishment of sin and satisfied the demands of justice for us. In writing to the Galatians he suggests a similar sentiment, Christ was made a curse,' that is, piaculum, a sacrifice, sustaining the curse and displeasure of God against sin.

"22.We know that the whole creation groaneth

an argument from the example of the creation. All things are subject to corruption and to the abuse of the wicked till the period of deliverance, which therefore we expect.

"In this place, Paul contemplates with great emotion of mind the dreadful confusion and corruption of human affairs, war, bloodshed, devastation and other evils prevalent in the world. He contemplates the mighty power of sin and the tyranny of Satan, and how degrading it is that universal nature should be subjected to the devil and to death in consequence of human transgression.

"Here then in the first place is to be considered the feelings of Christians amidst their afflictions. Delay is tormenting to the mind, and we are inca pable of foreseeing the method of deliverance. Troubles are daily increasing and the truly pious are deeply afflicted to witness the great dangers which surround the church of Christ; and while its distresses multiply, its deliverance appears to be delayed.

"Whatever therefore may be the source of our grief, whether public or private, the apostle endeavors to impart consolation by referring us to the heavens and the earth, to the creation at large as subjected to the abuse of the wicked. Tyrants possess the dominion of empires-the impious enjoy the riches of the world, but the church of Christ for which all things were created, suffers martyrdom and is deprived of life, light, and every other advantage. But these things were formed that they might be in subserviency to the saints for the glory of God, and as they are at present subjected to abuse and the power of corruption through the transgression of Adam, the creatures themselves wait for the promised deliverance."

The Popish writers agree in lamenting the increase of Lutheranism during the years 1522 and 1523; its opponents, however, amongst whom George, Duke of Saxony, Henry, Duke of Brunswick, and Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, may be considered the principal, were by no means asleep. The former, the most violent bigot of the day, and the most inveterate enemy of Luther, and the Reformation, used every means to influence Frederic and his brother John, to adopt hostile measures: but their prudence frustrated his views in Saxony. The light spread rapidly in Europe, and Casper Hedio, Martin Bucer, and John Oecolampadius were diffusing it in Alsace and Switzerland.

Frederic, however, felt himself in a most critical situation. The Pope, Adrian VI. who had succeeded Leo X. had sent his legate Francis Cheregato to the Imperial Diet of Nuremberg, to demand the immediate execution of the sentence pronounced against Luther at the Diet of Worms. The Emperor concurred in his views, and the Popish princes were evidently concerting measures to crush the Reformation. In this situation the Elector applied to Luther, Melancthon and Bugenbagius for their opinion on this question. "Is it lawful for your prince if his subjects should be attacked on account of religion by the Emperor, or any other ruler to protect them by arms?" To this they replied, "it was not lawful, chiefly because the princes were not yet convinced in their consciences of the truth of the reformed doctrine, neither had their subjects implored protection against violence, nor had the states of the provinces deliberated on the subject of war: above all, those who took up arms for their defence, ought to be well satisfied of the justice of their cause."

Clement VII. being elevated to the Papal Chair upon the decease of Adrian, selected Cardinal Campeggio, a skilful negotiator for his legate to the

Imperial Diet at Nuremberg, where he arrived in the early part of the year 1524. He was commissioned to insist upon the princes uniting to execute the decree of Worms against Luther; and the Emperor gave similar instructions to his minister. After some debate it was resolved by the Diet that the Pope, with the consent of the Emperor, should at an early period summon a free council in Germany, to deliberate upon the Lutheran affairs, and that in the mean time a Diet should be held at Spires, to consider of the mode of proceeding. This of course did not satisfy Campeggio, and retiring to Ratisbon he held a private assembly with some of the princes and bishops of the empire, whom he engaged to resolve upon executing the decree of Worms. This unwarrantable procedure induced those who differed from Campeggio, to pursue a measure of self-defence, by holding a similar convention at Spires, to confirm the decrees of Nuremberg.

At this period, what has been called the Sacramental controversy originated. Carlostadt resolutely denied what Luther no less resolutely maintained, the doctrine of Consubstantiation, or that the real body and blood of Christ, were received together with the bread and the wine, though they were not absolutely transubstantiated. This controversy divided the early friends of the Reformation, and long threatened the most serious consequences. The Reformers of Switzerland, and many in Germany, dissented from Luther and Melancthon, maintaining that the Lord's Supper was to be observed only as a commemoration of the death of Christ. It must be owned that Consubstantiation and Transubstantiation are as similar in nature as in name, and it would require good spectacles to discern any very essential difference between these two species

of nonsense.

Carlostadt found it necessary to retire to Orlamund, and became the pastor of the village in defiance of the right of appointment, vested in the Elector and the university, where he not only railed against Luther's view of the Eucharist, but appears to have been hurried on by his violence of temper to very enthusiastical pretensions. He was at length expelled by the prince and his brother from their dominions, but afterwards recalled by the Elector John.

Carlostadt, by raising mobs, pulling down images and railing against learning, gave the final impulse to the fanaticism of Muncer, Storck and their associates. "It may be true," says Luther, "and candor may require me to believe that Carlostadt does not intend to promote sedition and murder, yet so long as he persists in raising headstrong mobs and exciting them to demolish statues with unauthorized violence, he possesses the same seditious sanguinary spirit that has shown itself at Alsted. How often has Melancthon in vain admonished him not to raise tumults respecting ceremonies, and yet he has continued to defend the breakers of the peace

to the last."

These irregularities, like a large tributary stream, swelled the torrent of insurrection that was at this moment rushing through the provinces of Germany. What has been termed the Rustic war, or war of the Peasants, arose indeed from the dissatisfaction of the lower classes with the civil restraints and oppressions of their chiefs, which they affirmed to be no longer tolerable, but it received an accession of strength and a character of fanaticism from the union of the Anabaptists, who hastened to wage war against their lawful governors and the rights of civil society. Muncer placed himself at their head, and was at last taken and put to death after being defeated by the confederate princes of Ger

many in a pitched battle at Mulhausen in Thuringia. This terminated the rebellion.

By the advice of his friends, who perceived it necessary to recruit his health and spirits, Melancthon devoted part of the year 1524, to a journey on horseback to different places in Germany. He was accompanied by Nesenus and Camerarius, two intimate associates, the former distinguished for prudence, knowledge and amiableness of disposition, the latter who was afterwards his biographer, fo very eminent literary attainments. Two youths, Burcardus and Silberbornerus, both of whom afterwards acquired considerable reputation, attended them.

The travellers arrived at Leipsic, the first place of notoriety in their route, on the very day when Peter Mosellanus, the Greek professor, breathed his last. Melancthon and Camerarius had just time to visit him, and mingle their tears over his dying bed; the former deplored a friend, and the latter a tutor. Mosellanus was a man of erudition. He is praised by Erasmus as a wit and a scholar; and at his decease, which took place at the early age of thirty-one, Melancthon composed the following tribute to his memory.

Beneath this tomb that meets the stranger's eye
The dear remains of Mosellanus lie;
In vain might friends protracted life implore,
The lovely rhetorician speaks no more;
But in the records of eternal fame,
Ages to come shall find inscrib'd his name,
While from this transient life of tears and sighs
God has removed him to yon fairer skies.

Melancthon and his friends proceeded from Leipsic across Upper Saxony to Fulda, where they heard of the death of the celebrated Ulric Hutten, an ingenious and learned man, but of a most waspish temper, which was abundantly displayed in a book against Erasmus. Melancthon and Luther both disapproved his ferocious hostility. Though descended from a noble family, of which he was sufficiently vain, he died in extreme poverty at Zu

rich.

After visiting Frankfort, they remained some time with Melancthon's mother, who had married a second husband at Bretten. Parting at length most reluctantly from endeared relatives, they reached Heidelberg, where the university received their former student with every mark of distinction and regard.

Upon their return, not far from Frankfort, they unexpectedly met Philip, landgrave of Hesse, on his way to Heidelberg. The landgrave rode up to him, intimating that he understood his name was Philip Melancthon; to which he replied in the af firmative, and alighting from his horse, in token of respect to the illustrious stranger, he was requested to remount and turn back to spend the night with him. The prince assured him his intentions were not hostile, but simply to converse upon some particular topics. Melancthon replied in a suitable manner, and signified he entertained no apprehensions from the landgrave. "But," said he, smiling, "if I should deliver you into the hands of Campeggio, I fancy he would think me doing him a very grateful piece of service." On their way, for Melancthon had turned back in complaisance, the prince put a number of questions of a casual nature, which he answered briefly and without entering into much explanation, both on account of the unfitness of the time and place, and because the prince appeared to have his thoughts occupied with other concerns. At length he requested the prince's permission to return and prosecute his journey which he granted, stipulating that upon his arrival at Wit

ting the superstitious practices which the Papists had been accustomed to observe on similar occasions. Luther delivered a short discourse in German, and Melancthon pronounced an oration in the Latin language. From the latter the reader is presented with the following extracts.

nberg, he should send him in writing, his delibe- I was conducted in an unostentatious manner, omitrate opinion upon the subjects he had referred to in his conversation. He also gave him a safe conduct through his dominions. This inquisitive disposition of the landgrave, terminated in the happiest consequences, for he soon became the decided supporter of the Reformation. His allusion to Campeggio, was sufficiently significant, for previous to this interview, that subtle legate had sent to sound Melancthon upon the subject of coming over to the Papal party, but was dismissed with the following spirited reply that, "what he maintained to be true and knew to be so, he did not embrace or avow to gain the respect and favor of any living mortal, or from the hope of emolument, or from any ambitious motives, nor would he cease to esteem and aid those who promoted it. In the exertions he had hitherto made for the knowledge and advancement of truth, he was determined in a spirit of meekness to persevere. Let all who are truly desirous of the general peace and safety of the community confer and co-operate to heal the wounds which cannot possibly be any longer concealed, and to restrain the fury of those who will not desist from tearing and fretting with their malicious nails the existing sores. If this be not done, and the violent bigots still pursue their course, they may expect to be the first to suffer."

"Amidst this public, universal and most acute sorrow, in which the removal of one of the wisest of princes, a loss so calamitous to this state, is deplored, I feel myself scarcely possessed of sufficient presence of mind to attempt by a formal oration to alleviate the affliction of the nobles and the populace, with a voice too so faultering with grief. Though the extraordinary virtues of this prince peculiarly deserve the funeral honors which well constituted nations have always bestowed on their distinguished men; I am deeply conscious that our tears cannot express his superlative merits. Deeply affected as I am with the loss of the state which in a season of public commotion, and amidst the universal darkness of the age required the light of his wisdom, private feelings mingle with the general lamentation. I could not but honor him while living and mourn him when dead, not only for his signal virtues, but for the innumerable favors of which I have been the recipient. Incapacity of mind, however, and excess of grief forbid a minute encomium upon all his meSoon after returning to Wittemberg, Melancthon rits; let these flowing tears and this tremulous voice was plunged into the deepest affliction, in conse-suffice to express the sincerest feelings of a grateful quence of the tragical death of Nesenus. He was heart. lying at his ease in a fishing boat which he had "That this assembled multitude may form a corhired, as he frequently did, for the purpose of re-rect idea of how much they are indebted to this creation on the river Elbe, and which he had fasten- prince, I propose slightly to allude to some things ed to the trunk of a tree. The boat suddenly heaved worthy of praise, and present as it were a distant about and whirled him into the water, where he pe- view of them; and though I would by no means rished. The great men of the day, were deeply assume so much as to hope that I shall be able to affected by this fatal accident. Luther exclaimed cure the grief of those who are aware of the magin the transports of grief, "O that I had power to nitude of that calamity which the state has sustainraise the dead!"—Micyllus, by no means, says Sec-ed, yet I may at least assuage their sorrow by rekendorf, a contemptible poet, honored his memory with an elegant epitaph. We insert a similar tribute from the pen of Melancthon.

How vain and fleeting is the race of man ;

And how uncertain when we yield our breath! So sunk Nesenus 'neath the wave of death, Nor knew the treacherous stream so near him ran.

minding them of his virtues.

"This nation is greatly indebted to the higher orders for the advancement of sacred literature, and under Providence for the existence of a prince, who as he was formed by nature pacific, humane and merciful, so nothing was more dear to him than the best interests of his people. The Saxon princes are notorious for their noble lineage, but Frederic was It is known that Melancthon placed considerable still more illustrious for his knowledge of the sciconfidence in dreams, and that both he and Luther ence of government and for genuine greatness of were addicted to astrology. In the course of his mind. I am mistaken if any one was so mighty late journey he expressed a presentiment of the in arms, and yet so anxious to render the employdeath of one of the three fellow travellers, Came- ment of power subservient to the establishment of rarius, Nesenus, or himself, from the occurrence peace. He was just, gentle, firm, careful of the of what he considered an ominous circumstance; public welfare, diligent in ascertaining the rights and on the very day when Nesenus was drowned, of others, and pacifying the contentions of fellowhe often related to those who were inclined to be citizens, patient toward the faults of the people, jocose upon superstitious notions, that in his after-aiming mildly to restore those who were capable of noon's nap, he saw in a dream, every circumstance amelioration, but severe in punishing the wicked of his friend's deplorable end. and incorrigible.

Another event of the present year was still more "The multitude, I am aware, are smitten with an afflictive. Henry von Zutphen, to whom Melanc-admiration of heroic achievements, and esteem the thon and the whole university at Wittemberg were soldier above the quiet citizen. The virtues of domuch attached on account of his wisdom, modesty mestic life are overlooked, and they who cultivate and piety, had gone to preach the reformed doc- peace and the arts acquire but a slender praise. trines in Ditmars, a county of Holstein, in Den-But I confess myself of a far different opinion, for mark; the neighboring priests like tigers watching if you consider utility, if you remark the design of for their prey, instantly sprung upon the victim and man's creation, peace is preferable to war. I canput him to death by the most exquisite tortures. not prefer the great but warlike Anthony, to the peaceful Augustus, nor admit that Alcibiades was of more service to Greece, than Solan; of whom the former ruined his country by promoting eternal war, the latter not only preserved but constituted it a great state by furnishing it with ample laws. Frederic was formed to excel in the more useful and therefore the superior virtues. It was for him to preserve his people in peace amidst the most turbu

On the fifth of May, 1525, FREDERIC, ELECTOR OF SAXONY, surnamed the WISE, departed this life. His death was peaceful and pious, and as he was the early friend, as well as the constant protector of the reformed cause, it was an event which could not fail of producing a strong impression on the inds of Luther and Melancthon. To them was sted the management of his funeral, which

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lent times. Who will venture to compare a victory | prince and a counsellor in every important affair; with the more splendid achievement of securing for so great was his wisdom in German affairs, and tranquillity during many years, more than thirty, of his general influence, that he was deemed a proper commotion, while many envied and many endeavor- person for the Imperial dignity, and was consulted as ed to excite war. Believe me, the wisdom and the an oracle; lost too at a moment when Germany is ripe real fortitude of Frederic were of no common cast, for civil war; lost, when his authority, discretion, co-operating to overcome the impetuosity of anger, and superiority of mind were peculiarly requisite to spare the lives of his subjects, and to allay the for the restoration of peace, the regulation of the violence of armed hostility by reason, by counsel laws, and the reformation of religion. and even by purchase. When the friends of Pericles were enumerating his trophies and congratulating him upon his victories, he replied, the praise did not belong to him so much as to his soldiers or to fortune, but he would claim this as his just distinction, that no citizen through his means ever put on mourning-intimating that he had never been guilty of any treacherous violence to advance his own dignity; but our illustrious prince not only never revenged private injuries, but he made even war itself yield to reason and become subservient to the preservation of his citizens.

He possessed the greatest private virtues and a peculiar devotedness to the study of the Christian religion. He always treated sacred things with the utmost seriousness, and amidst the contrariety of opinions prevalent in the present age, he diligently aimed to discover the best and most indubitable. Before the present period of reform, when human rites were appointed in the churches by pontifical authority, he ever preferred what was most conducive to morals; and, because he felt persuaded that the common people were allured by these means to pay attention to religion, he erected churches, devised ceremonies, and exerted himself to procure teachers of sacred doctrine. Often would he confer with learned men on the nature and power of religion. These I consider proofs of a well dispos

ed mind.

"When Christianity began to rise again, as it were from the dead, and to be purified from her corruptions, he entirely devoted his mind to it, neither approving nor condemning any thing with precipitation. Wherever he saw the evidence of religious truth he embraced it with all his soul, and it became the means of establishing and nourishing his piety He shunned insignificant disputes which did not conduce to edification; and when he observed certain impious men, upon pretence of enjoying evangelical liberty, debasing themselves and religion by a ferociousness of conduct and a contempt of public decency, he cautiously avoided giving them or others occasion of introducing rash changes through his example, perceiving the dangerous tendency of such innovations.

"I omit the detail of a variety of excellencies for which he was distinguished. I say nothing of his character as a peace maker, or his fidelity in friendship-of his care to avert dangers, or his firmness in sustaining them-of the suavity of his manners, his gentleness, or his remarkable acuteness of intellect, of his management of his financial resources, by which of late they were so much recruited-these things are all known to you, and while you cherish gratitude to God for having bestowed such a prince, ought never to be obliterated from your memories. Our country, alas! has lost not only a useful and gracious prince, and one who has for a long period preserved public peace, but also a father endowed with every various excellence. They merit the highest honor in every place who assiduously cultivate the country; he did indeed cultivate it, devoting the years of peace which he procured, to its improvement, to the education of youth, and to the promotion of commerce. Our academy has lost a Mecænas; no prince possessed more capability, more devoted attachment, or knew better how to promote its interests. All Germany has lost a

And shall we not mourn thy death, O Frederic? may we not lament our bereavement at so inauspicious a moment, not only of a ruler, but of a father?-all eyes are turned to thy illustrious brother, and the country feels that in him it may safely repose the utmost confidence; but he is himself most painfully sensible that by thy removal he is deprived of another self, of another mind capacitated to aid amidst surrounding difficulties! This weeping senate too, the director of public affairs, seems almost exanimate with excess of sorrow, engaged as in a dubious strife, and accustomed to follow thy signals and thy well-known voice!

"But away with intemperate grief. Wise men have usually adduced considerations respecting the brevity of human life, and the common destiny of mankind in order to fortify others against the evils incident to our condition; but we shall at present omit such references; for although Frederic derived great consolation and firmness of mind from realizing the general reason and utility of many appoint. ments, yet another greater and more efficacious principle supported his spirit in the hour of dissolution. He knew from the instructions of Christianity that death was a change not only inflicted on the human race by divine appointment as a punishment for sin, in which view it is a melancholy circumstance; but that to all the pious it is a delightful idea that by this means sin is destroyed, and we then commence the journey of immortality.

and distracted by religous disputes! What forms "For how many years was our prince disturbed of sin and of death were perpetually presented to his mind!-so that he came prepared to the last and wretched life, we rather congratulate him on his great battle. When he resigned this calamitous departure, who has left so many evidences that he has put on a glorious immortality, and who therefore ought not in fact to be represented as having lost his life. And as he departed with such tranq illity of mind, let us patiently submit to the whole will of God, and aspire after such a death whenever we are called into eternity."

Melancthon used frequently to say of the Elector Frederic, that he had plucked a flower from all the virtues. He wrote the epitaph which was inscribed on his monument.

Ante petet cursu Bojemica rura supino

Unde in Saxonicos defluit Albis agros;
Inclyta quam possit meritorum fama tuorun
Occidere in populis, Dux Frederice, tuis.
Aurea viderunt hæ gentes secula, regni

Dum tibi Saxonici sceptra tenere datum est.
Pace frui placida campique urbesque solebant
Horrenda extimuit classica nulla nurus
Bella alii ferro, sed tu ratione gerebas
Et sine vi victi sæpe dedere manus.
Ingenio claros meruisti sæpe triumphos
Militeque haud ullo fixa tropæa tibi:
Et pacis studiis florere ac artibus urbes

Contigit auspicio, Dux Frederice, tuo.
Fovisti spretas hac tempestate Camænas

Unicus et studiis præmia digna dabas
Namque tuo sumptu flavum schola condita ad Albim

est

Ut vita verum traderet illa modum.

Hic Evangelii primum doctrina renata

Deterso cæpit pura nitere situ.
Induit hic veros vultus, iterumque colorem
Accepit tandem religio ipsa suum.
Et cum germani sumpsissent arma tyranni
Contra Evangelium sauctaque jussa Dei;
Doctores tibi cura pios defendere soli,

Et Christi late spargere dogma fuit.
His tibi pro meritis grata præconia voce
Posteritas omnis, virque puerque, canent.
Nulla tuas unquam virtutes nesciet ætas

Non jus in laudes mors habet atra tuas,

Beyond the utmost of Bohemia's bounds,

Where Albis pours along his lazy stream;
From every tongue our FREDERIC's name resounds,
And all thy people hail the glorious theme.

Whilst thou the sceptre of these regions held,
No rude alarms of war disturb'd our rest;
Another golden age our eyes beheld,

While quietness our fields and cities blest.

Thy rule was reason, and thy trophy peace,
Thou hast deserv'd the triumphs of the field,
But 'twas thy glory to bid discord cease,

And though victorious, the first to yield.

Learning and Science by thy fostering care
Adorn'd our cities, and proclaim'd thee WISE;
But not to thee were Muses only dear,

Restor❜d Religion now delights our eyes.

Again we see her own celestial hue,

Stripp'd of the meretricious modes of art; And when to arms against her, tyrants flew,

Thine was the care to shield the poison'd dart.

The truth of Christ, the doctrines brought from hea

ven,

By thee were well discern'd and spread around;
To thee by present times applause is given,
And future ages shall thy name resound.

Yes-distant times thy virtues shall proclaim,
Nor death extinguish thy immortal fame!

prise, and without saying a word to his friends, married Catharine de Bora, and only invited Pomeranus, Lucca the painter, and Apellus the lawyer, to supper in the evening, celebrating the espousals in the customary manner. Some, perhaps, may be astonished that he should have married at this unfavorable juncture of public affairs, so deeply afflictive to every good man, and thus appear to be unaffected and careless about the distressing events which have occurred amongst us; even though his own reputation suffers at a moment when Germany most requires his talents and influence. This, however, is my view of the subject. Luther is a man who has nothing of the unsocial misanthropist about him; but you know his habits, and I need say no more on this head. Surely it is no wonderful and unaccountable thing that his great and benevolent soul should be influenced by the gentle affections, especially as there is nothing reprehensible or criminal in it. The falsehood and calumny of the general report of his having been guilty of some misconduct is evident. He is, in fact, by nature, fitted for the married state, and it is pronounced honorable in the sacred Scriptures. The allegation that it was unseasonable and unadvised, which our adversaries are so fond of producing, is not to be regarded, much less the derisions and reproaches of the vicious and profligate. I saw that his change of situation produced some degree of perturbation and gloom of mind, and I have done my utmost to cheer him: for I cannot condemn him as having committed a fault, or fallen into sin, though I grant God has recorded many sins which some of his ancient saints committed, in order that we might be stimulated to repose our confidence, not in men, however dignified and distinguished, but in his word alone. It would be impious to condemn a doctrine because of the errors of its professors, but in the present instance I verily believe our friend has done nothing which is not fully defensible, or for which he ought to be accused. I have in possession the most decisive evidences of his piety and love to God, so that the malicious reproaches heaped upon Luther, are nothing else than the inventions of scurrilous sycophants, who want employment for a slanderous tongue. In my opinion, however, this discouraging misrepresentation may be of some use, because it is dangerous, not only to persons who sustain ecclesiastical functions, but to every class of men, to enjoy too high a reputation. For, as a certain orator remarks, wise men as well as fools may be betrayed into an undue self-estimation and vanity of mind, through being gifted with some happy art or talent. But as the proverb says, another kind of life, another kind of living.'

"I have said so much on this subject lest this unexpected occurrence should have occasioned you an unnecessary degree of uneasiness, for I know you are concerned for the reputation of our friend Luther."

In the midst of these public calamities, Saxony recently afflicted with the loss of Frederic, and Germany bleeding from the deep wounds of a civil war, occasioned by the rebellious conduct of the peasants, Luther, quite unexpectedly to most of his friends, married Catharine de Bora Long in relinquish ing his prejudices against the marriage of monks, he had once written thus to Melancthon; "It should seem that because I supplied you with a wife, you wish to be revenged upon me; but depend upon it I will take effectual care not to be caught in your snares"-but affection charmed away his resolution. The time of this union was considered by some of his best friends as rather ill-chosen, amongst whom was Melancthon, who thought it would give occasion, as it assuredly did, to the numerous adversaries of Luther to make uncandid animadversions. These occasioned him some temporary depression of spirits; but a consciousness of acting right, and an ardent attachment to his new companion, notwithstanding the dissatisfaction of some intimate friends with the time, dissipated his gloom. Melancthon addressed an apologetic letter to Camerarius on the subject. It was written in Greek, and is as follows: "As some unfounded reports will probably reach you respecting the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to write to you the true The immediate occasion of this controversy was state of the case, and to give my own opinion. On an essay on the freedom of the human will, which the thirteenth of June, Luther, to our great sur-Erasmus ventured to publish in the autumn of 1524,

It would be scarcely worth while in this place to introduce to notice the controversy between Erasmus and Luther, were it not for the illustration it affords of the character of Melancthon, who both on account of his connection with the parties, and his general celebrity, was almost necessarily impli cated in any public transaction that affected the reformed cause. No reflecting person will be surprised that they should become avowed antagonists. The character of each must naturally be disagreeable to the other. Erasmus could not approve the undaunted and untractable heroism of Luther, nor could Luther endure the trimming artifice and sycophancy of Erasmus.

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