Supreme Court in the case of Prigg, which authorizes the master to seize his fugitive slave without process in any State of the Union; was the first object of attack by the great leaders of this faction. The Court was denounced as having been corrupted by pro-slavery sentiments; though this very opinion was delivered by a Northern abolitionist; by Mr. Justice Story himself. Mr. Justice Story could, as we have seen, go great lengths in his advocacy of the Northern cause: but yet, as a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, he could not decide in direct and open violation of his oath of office. This instance of his integrity, in which other Northern Judges concurred, brought down the indignation and contempt of the great leaders of the Republican party upon the Court, whose opinion he had delivered. It was then threatened by those factious leaders, that the Supreme Court of the United States should be reorganized, and made to conform to the wishes and sentiments of the North; a purpose which was sure of its fulfilment after the election of Mr. Lincoln, and which would have capped the climax of the lawless designs of the Northern faction "pledged against the South."

Mr. Madison, "the father of the Constitution," believed that such a faction would never arise in the new Union. But he never doubted, for a moment, that if it should arise therein, this would prove that the Federal Government had failed to answer the great end of his creation. For, as we have seen, it was, in his own words, the great object of that Government, "to secure the public good, and private rights, against the danger of such a faction;" by providing against the possibility of its appearance in the bosom of the Republic. This is the great desideratum, which, according to the legislators of 1787, is necessary to remove "the opprobrium under which that form of Government has so long labored," and "to recommend it to the esteem and adoption of mankind;" and which they

supposed had been supplied by their legislation. But their remedies were too weak. Their practice was not sufficiently heroic. Hence the fatal disease of republics, the rise of faction, was not only engendered, but developed into a degree of frightful malignity, which is without a parallel in the history of the world. The design was good; but the execution defective. The fathers, in one word, did not begin to foresee the weakness, the folly, the madness, and the wickedness of their descendants. Hence, their sublime attempt to "establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to their posterity;" proved an awful failure. Indeed, if they could only have witnessed the gigantic and terrific faction of 1861, they would have pronounced their own "grand experiment" a disastrous failure. It was so regarded by the South; and, for that reason, the South wished to make an experiment for herself. But, unfortunately, she was already in the horrible clutches of a relentless and a remorseless faction.

Factions have no heart, no conscience, no reason, no consistency, no shame. Would you reason with such a remorseless monster? You might just as well read the riot act to a thunder storm. Would you appease its wrath? Would you soothe its rampant and raging ferocity? Would you appeal to all the tender mercies of our holy religion? You might just as well sing a lullaby to the everlasting roarings of the Pit. The South did not enter into the "new Union" to be governed by any such faction. She entered into the new Union, on the contrary, in order to secure her freedom, her independence, her happipiness, her glory; and she lost them all—except her glory.

Even Mr. Madison, with all his devotion to the great work of his own hands, never became so blind an idolater as to resemble that epitome of meanness and climax of servility,-"an unconditional Union-man." On the contrary, still breathing the spirit of a freemen, he said: “Were

the plan of the Convention adverse to the public happiness, my voice would be, Reject the plan. Were the Union itself inconsistent with the public happiness, it would be, ABOLISH THE UNION."* Even as late as 1830, he declared, that "it still remains to be seen whether the Union will answer the ends of its existence or otherwise." If he had lived till 1861, he would have seen that the Union, having failed to prevent the rise and reign of faction, had not answered "the great object" of its creation; and, consequently, no longer deserved to exist. Hence, in 1861, he would either have unveiled the right of secession, or else he would have belied all the great principles, and sentiments, and designs of his life.

Other Causes of Secession.

The foregoing grounds or causes of secession are, it seems to me, amply sufficient to justify the South in the exercise of a constitutional right; for which she was amenable to no tribunal on earth, except to the moral sentiments of mankind. But there are still other and powerful causes of secession; which it is unnecessary to discuss in the present work. All the grounds of secession, including those above considered, may be stated as follows:

First, the destruction of the balance of power, which was originally established between the North and the South; and which was deemed by the authors of the Constitution to be essential to the freedom, safety, and happiness of those sections of the Union.

Secondly, the sectional legislation, by which the original poverty of the North was exchanged for the wealth of the South; contrary to the great design of the Constitution, which was to establish the welfare of all sections alike, and not the welfare of one section at the expense of another.

Thirdly, the formation of a faction, or "the party of the * The Federalist, No. xlv.

North pledged against the South;" in direct and open violation of the whole spirit and design of the new Union; involving a failure of the great ends for which the Republic was ordained.

Fourthly, the utter subversion and contemptuous disregard of all the checks of the Constitution, instituted and designed by its authors for the protection of the minority against the majority; and the lawless reign of the Northern Demos.

Fifthly, the unjust treatment of the slavery question, by which the compacts of the Constitution made by the North in favor of the South, were grossly violated by her; while, at the same time, she insisted on the observance of all the compacts made by the South in her own favor.

Sixthly, the sophistry and hypocricy of the North, by which she attempted to justify her injustice and oppression of the South.

Seventhly, the horrible abuse and slander, heaped on the South, by the writers of the North; in consequence of which she became the most despised people on the face of the globe; whose presence her proud ally felt to be a contamination and a disgrace.

Eighthly, the contemptuous denial of the right of secession; the false statements, and the false logic by which that right was concealed from the people of the North; and the threats of extermination in case the South should dare to exercise that right.

These, it is believed, are the principal causes by which the last hope of freedom for the South in the Union was extinguished; and, consequently, she determined to withdraw from the Union. Bravely and boldly did she strike for Liberty; and, if she fell, it was because, as the London Times said, "she had to fight the world."

CHAPTER XX.

The Legislators of 1787 as Political Prophets.

"EVERY particular interest," said Mr. Madison, in the Convention of 1787, "whether in any class of citizens, or any description of States, ought to be secured as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the States were divided into different interests, not by their difference of size, but from other circumstances; the most material of which resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did not lie between the large and small States. It lay between the Northern and Southern; AND IF ANY

DEFENSIVE POWER WERE NECESSARY, IT OUGHT TO BE MUTU

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ALLY GIVEN TO THESE TWO INTERESTS."* In this opinion of the leading member from Virginia, the leading member from Massachusetts fully concurred. For Mr. King "was fully convinced that the question concerning a difference of interest did not lie where it had been hitherto discussed, between the great and the small States, but between the Southern and the Eastern. For this reason he had been willing to yield something, in the proportion of representation, for the security of the Southern." That is, for the protection of the Southern interest, he had, as we have seen, been willing to vote for the fractional representation *The Madison Papers, p. 1006. † Ibid, p. 1057.