derstanding, could really fuppofe to have plunged into the difficulties and the expence of war, for the purpose of giving liberty and independence to America. He concluded with inculcating the neceffity of profe. cuting the war with redoubled vigour; of compenfating for the want of allies by firmnefs and unanimity; and of acquiring, by the force of arms, thofe advantages which were the probable rewards of gallantry and perfeverance. Mr. Thomas Townshend lamented that there fhould appear fo fixed a determination to profecute the American war, which he now confidered to be the favourite object of government. To that object all others were facrificed. The adminiftration had fent young regiments under unexperienced officers to the West Indies, to the great danger of our islands there, whilft our veterans were employed in America. He wifhed that the amendment propofed to the addrefs might be agreed to, because it would prevent the houfe from precipitately pledging themfelves to that ruinous meafure: and he hoped the house would not be drawn in, year after year, to fupport the hopeless and deftructive American war. It was true, that our ancestors had often delivered themselves from imminent dangers by the energy and fpirit of their conduct: but the British nation had, at no preceding period, been in a fimilar fituation to the prefent. The wifdom of our ancestors engaged them to form leagues, during a time of war, with thofe powers which were the most diftinguished by their refpectability and importance. Hence arofe a brilliant feries of fucceffes, that ultimately established a durable and advantageous peace. But to a peace we could never be led fuch by our frantic perfeverance in the unnatural conteft with America. Mr. Fox obferved, that his majefty's speech from the throne had not brought any tidings of confola tion, or enlivened the habitual gloominefs of the profpect, by even diftant views of an amendment in that reproachful plan of politics, fo ftubbornly adhered to by the fervants of the crown. It feemed to be the height of ridicule, and a premeditated infult on the feelings of the people, when it was declared, in the fpeech, that "the late elee"tions had afforded his majefty an "opportunity of receiving the moft "certain information, of their "wishes." Did this extraordinary idea arife from the remembrance of the fudden diffolution of the laft parliament, the feafon at which is had been permitted to take place, and the unworthy artifices which had been employed to bias the conftituents in their choice of reprefentatives? He hoped the day might come when the house would tho roughly inveftigate this criminal proceeding, and drag forward to the public indignation the minifters from whom it had originated. It was an act committed by ftealth, that afto nifhed and alarmed the multitude, although it made no great impreffion upon him, who having turned his eyes, for a preceding length of time, to every operation of the officers of the state, could fathom all their views, and eafily foretel that a general election would start up, when neither the conftitutents nor the candidates were fufficiently prepared to fruftrate the infiduous defigns of government; when many voters were employed to gather in the harveft; when the encampments yet remained; and when gentlemen bearing commiffions in the militia, and absent on the fervice, were removed to a distance from thofe places, in the faithful reprefentation of which they had oppofed and cenfured the ruinous and difgraceful management of public affairs. Thus, from an unwillingness to gratify the wishes of the people, and from a total difregard to the maintenance of tranquillity within the ifland, the minifters had even laboured to render the rapid modes of diffoiving one parliament, and of choofing another, hoftile to the privileges of the fubject, and to the 1pirit of the conftitution. The officers of the crown, he farther remarked, were amenable to public inquiry for their prefumptuous and alarming violation of the principles of the conftitution, when they commanded the military, in every part of England, even in towns where the riots had either fubfided, or never broken forth, to act difcretionally, without waiting for the intervention of the civil magiftrate. This guilt, fo daring in its nature, was highly aggravated, by their adherence to the perpetration of it, until all the popular elections were concluded: for, previoully to that period, the orders were not withdrawn. It had been faid, that expreffions of defpondency at the prefent period were very unworthy of Englifhmen, whatever might be the dangers of the ftate: and he admitted, that no paffion could be more odious and unnatural to the gallant temper of an Englishman than defpair. But at the prefent moment of embarraffment and diftrefs, when the brighteft jewel was torn from the royal diadem, when America was diffevered from the British empire, never to be re-united; when a fpirit of revolt appeared waiting only for an oppor tunity to blaze out, in those disgufted territories that yet remained; at fuch a time, to approach the throne with congratulatory addreffes, was not loyalty, but cruel mockery and infult. Was it defpair, to perfift in offering to the confideration of the house, such sentiments and advice as the exigencies of the moment might obviously fuggeft; to investigate our real force by a comparison with that which was exerted to oppofe it; and to deliberate on the policy of profecuting thofe enterprizes, from which little prospect of advantage appeared, and which might involve the state in mifery and deftruction? In the addrefs which was propofed, Mr. Fox remarked, that the bleffings of his majesty's reign were to be recognized; but in this he could not concur, as he was not acquainted with thofe bleffings. The prefent reign had been one continued feries of difgrace, misfortune, and calamity. It had alfo been afked, whether honourable mention ought not to be made of the late fucceffes in America, and of the gallant officers by whom they had been obtained? To this he fhould anfwer, that he would not thank his own brother, who was now ferving in America, for any fuccefs he might obtain: as long as he lived, he never would join in a vote of thanks to any officer, whofe laurels were gathered in the American war. His reafon was, that he hated and detested the war: he regarded it as the fountainhead of all the mifchief, and of all the calamities, under which this country now laboured. Much had boen faid of the efforts which had been made by this country during the courfe of the prefent war: and it was afferted, that we had astonished all Europe by our exertions. This he should not controvert; but fhould only obferve, that the violent efforts of Great Britain refembled the ungovernable tury of a lunatic, who, aiming at impoffibilities, for the moment, exceeds in force the well-directed ftruggles of individuals poffeffed of understanding. The latter might perfevere and conquer. The former, enfeebled by exertions, becomes at length the victim of his own phrenzy. Mr. Fox farther added, that notwithftanding the advantages which had been gained in America, he was well convinced, that the minifterial profpects of fuccefs would ftill be clofed by merited delufion. He was, therefore, entirely against the addrefs as it originally ftood, and fhould vote for the amendment. Lord George Germain obferved, that notwithstanding the defponding ideas that had been thrown out, he faw no reason for adopting melancholy fentiments. The last cam paign had not been unfuccefsful. In America we had gained confiderably. In the West Indies, what advantages had France and Spain to boast of, notwithstanding the great fuperiority of Monf. Guichen over Admiral Rodney? The British admiral had now the command of thofe feas, and the important ifland of Jamaica, which, day after day, for the whole fummer together, we had been taught to believe loft, was perfectly fecure. Next year, he would venrure to affure the houfe, we fhould have a fleet fuperior, both in number of fhips, and in point of equip ment, to any we ever had, cither in this, or the last war. As to the American war, he had never entertained but one opinion of it; and that was, that it was juft from the beginning; that it was a neceffary war; a war which had been unavoidably begun, in fupport of the undoubted rights of Great Britain, and of the British parliament; and a war which he had the greatest hopes might be brought, and that fpeedily, to a happy and honourable conclufion. He admitted, that the congress would inftantly open a negociation with Great Britain, provided that the independency of America were acknowledged by the latter; but this was an idea that he fpurned at, as difhonourable and ruinous. Such circumstances ftill exifted as gave ground to imagine, that the colonies might be brought back to their allegiance, and form again a peaceable and happy portion of the empire. The conviction that a majority of the Americans were still attached to Great Britain, ftill anxious to return to their ancient connexion, fhould operate as an incentive to the maintenance of a war that can alone enable them to throw off the yoke of congrefs, and change the miferies of fervitude and civil confusion for freedom and tranquillity. Lord Mahon made fome general obfervations on the occurrences of the American war, and declared his refolution to with-hold his vote from an addrefs, of which the language appeared to pledge the houfe for the fupport of ministers, whofe baneful politics had brought the country to the verge of ruin. He remarked, that the pleafing hopes of reconcili ation between the colonies and the parent state were dashed away, when the fervants of the crown treated with a contemptuous neglect the petition prefented from America by Mr. Penn; and when a fimilar impolitic and wanton difregard was hewn to the intelligence, that the committee of congrefs had refolved, to offer to fecure to Great Britain the payment of the whole national debt, debt, in the space of one hundred years, provided that he would have relinquished the coercive plans of the adminiftration. Several other members fpoke in the debate; but, upon a divifion, the addrefs, as it was first moved, was carried by a majority of 203 to 134. In the houfe of peers a fimilar addrefs to his majefty was moved for, but it did not give rife to much debate. The great leaders of oppofition in that houfe did not think proper to exert themfelves on the prefent occafion. But the earl of Weftmoreland, who moved for the addrefs, made fome obfervations that were thought rather extraordinary. His lordship, after fpeaking in high terms of the happiness enjoyed under his majesty's juft and conftitutional government, remarked, that one confpicuous proof and example of the king's regard to the conititution and liberties of his country was, his conduct during the late riots. When private houses were in flames, when the prifons were opened, when force and outrage were exercifed against both houfes of parliament, when the bank was in danger, and the metropolis in the moft imminent hazard of being laid in afhes; then the king interpofed the force, with which he had been intrufted by the former parliament, for the falvation of the city of London, of the public liberties, and of the state. Every king would not have obferved the fame conduct; fome would have feized the opportunity of turning the arms of an enraged populace against the civil conftitution; and, uniting their arms with thofe of the military, have trampled upon the rights of the fubject. Such was the late conduct of a northern potentate, who had directed the fury of the people, and turned their power against the fenate. But this conduct had not been imitated by his majefty, who had acted like the father of his people. These obfervations were not taken much notice of in the house of peers, tho' they met with fome animadverfion in the house of commons, from Mr. Fox: and it was thought not a little remarkable, without doors, that overturning the conftitution by the power of the crown fhould be confidered in parliament as fo very practicable a measure: and that an Englifh peer fhould speak of the king as having conferred an obligation on the people, because he had not enslaved them. The marquis of Carmarthen made feveral objections to the addrefs; and remarked, that it was in every body's mouth, and the world believed it to be true, that the councils in the cabinet were fluctuating and various. There were different factions even among administration themselves. What one minifter or counfellor was for, another was againft; one counsel was adopted today, another to-morrow; one day the word was, Pufh the war with vigour; the next, Let us try what we can do by negociation; let us try what we can do in Europe, or in America. One plan of operation is fent to America this month, and the next, before that has been tried, another is fent totally different. He expected, therefore, no good from the prefent war, or from the conductors of it. The Earl of Abingdon alfo expreffed his total disapprobation of the addrefs. But, upon a divifion, it was carried by a majority of 68 to 23. CHAP. CHA P. II. Proceedings of the House of Peers relative to a Challenge fent by the Earl of Pomfret to the Duke of Grafton. Debates in the House of Commons on the Bill for continuing the Sufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus Act, with reSpect to Perfons accufed of High Treafon, either in America, or on the High Seas. Complaint exhibited by Lord Mahon of a Violation of the Lav of Nations by the English at the Dutch Island of St. Martin. Debate on the Navy Eftimates. Supplies granted to his Majefty. Motion for Naval Papers made in the Houfe of Peers by the Duke of Bolton. TH HE attention of the House of Peers was fomewhat engaged, early in the prefent feffion, by an affair of a rather fingular nature, which happened between the earl of Pomfret and the duke of Grafton. The bufinefs was firft opened in parliament, on the 3d of November, by the chancellor, who obferved, that a rumour had been fpread of an infult having been offered, and a farther infult threatened, to one of their lordships; that the whole of the report was fo uniformly confiftent, that although it was impoffible for the houfe to take up the matter in its prefent ftage, or for him to fuggeft to their lordships what would be the proceedings which might poffibly be neceffary, when the whole fact, and all its relative circumstances, were formally and correctly laid before the house, yet he had thought it peculiarly incumbent on him to rife, not to inform, but to remind their lordships, with all due refpect, that it was their duty to take fome ftep in relation to the rumour, which to their wifdom fhould feem moft likely to refcue the house from fo foul an indignity, as it would unavoidably fuitain, if an infult were permitted to be offered to the perion of any one peer. He added, that if any noble lords prefent were in poffeffion of the 1781. facts, or of any letters relative thereto, it would be an act of duty on their parts, and of obligation to the house, to communicate the fame to their lordships. The carl of Jerfey then rofe, and informed the houfe, that a correfpondence tending to the moft ferious confequences had taken place between two noble peers, which, unless proper and immediate steps were taken by that houfe, might be fatal to one or both of the parties. He acquainted their lordships, that the noblemen meant were the duke of Grafton, and the earl of Pontfret; and he therefore moved, that these two noblemen fhould be fummoned to attend in their places on fome future day. It was accordingly agreed, that fummonfes fhould be iffued to direct their attendance on the 6th of that month. On the day appointed, the two noblemen attended in their places, agreeably to order: when the chancellor obferved, that the house had been acquainted, that a correfpondence had taken place between a nobie duke, and a noble earl, members of that houfe, which, from its complexion and tendency, was likely to be productive of very fatal confequences. Upon this information the order for their attendance had been made by the house, and as he perceived that in compliance B |