"of the forecastle and stationed captain of "a gun in the waist.-I am treated very "ill because I will not enter.-They re"quest of me to go on board my coun"try's ships to list men, which I refused "to do, and was threatened to be punished "for it. I remain a true citizen of the "United States of America, EDWIN BOUL" DIN."—This, may it please your Royal Highness, is merely a specimen. The public prints in America abound with documents of a similar description; and thus the resentment of the whole nation is kept alive, and wound up to a pitch hardly to be described. The disposition of the American people towards England and towards France is a matter of the greatest importance, and should, therefore, be rightly understood by your Royal Highness, who has it in your power to restore between America and England that harmony, which has so long been disturbed, and which is so necessary to save the remains of freedom in the world. I here present to you, Sir, some remarks of a recent date (25 July,) published in an American print, called the "BALTIMORE America." You will see, Sir, that the writer deprecates a war with England; he does not deceive himself or his readers as to its dangers; he makes a just estimate of the relative means of the two nations; and, I think your Royal Highness will allow, that he is not ignorant of the real situation of England. I cannot help being earnest in my wishes that your Royal Highness would be pleas remarks. They are, as a composition, not unworthy of the honour; but, what renders them valuable is, that they do really express the sentiments of all the moderate part of the people in America; they express the sentiments which predominate in the community, and upon which your Royal Highness may be assured the Amegovernment will act : rican Astonishment is expressed, by some persons, in this country, that the Americans appear to like the Emperor Napoleon better than our government; but, if it be considered, that the Emperor Napoleon does not give rise to complaints such as those just quoted, this astonish-ed to bestow some attention upon these ment will cease. Men dislike those who do them injury, and they dislike those most who do them most injury. In settling the point, which is most the friend of real freedom, Napoleon or our Government, there might, however, be some difference of opinion in America, where the people are free to speak and write as well as to think, and where there are no persons whose trade it is to publish falshoods. But, whatever error any persons might be "God forbid that we should have war led into upon this subject, the consequence "with England, or any other nation, if to us would be trifling, were it not for the "we can avoid it. For I am not of the real solid grounds of complaint that are in-temper of that furious federalist, who cessantly staring the American people in" would have unfurled the American cothe face. There may be a very harsh "lours long ago against a less offender. despotism in France for any thing that "I had rather see her starry flag floating they know to the contrary; though they are not a people to be carried away by mere names. They are a people likely to sit down coolly and compare the present state of France with its state under the Bourbons; likely to compare the present situation of the great mass of the people with their former situation; and extremely likely not to think any the worse of Napoleon for his having sprung from parents as humble as those of their Jefferson or Madison. But, if they should, make up their minds to a settled conviction of there being a military despotism in France, they will, though they regret its existence, dislike it less than they will any other system, from which they receive more annoyance; and in this they do no more than follow the dictates of human nature, which, in spite of all the wishes of man, will still continue the same. in the serenity of a calm atmosphere "than agitated and obscured in the clouds, "the smoke and flashes of war. But if "Britain's unchangeable jealousy of the "prosperity of others, her obdurate pride "and enmity to us, should proceed upon " pretence of retaliating upon what she "has forced, to more violent and avowed "attacks, I trust that your older and 'younger Americans will meet her with "equal spirit, and give her blow for blow. "I have never expected her to abstain "from injury while our merchants had a ship or our country a seaman upon the ocean, by any sense of justice-but have "trusted only to the adverse circum"stances of her state, to restrain her vio"lence and continue our peace. Heaven grant that it may be preserved, and if "possible without the distress of her own M 2 " 66 66 "instructed officers to become the basis of larger armies a number of ships of war, " with men and officers trained and pre"pared for naval enterprize-a people "ready in the spirit of independence, to "rush against the enemy that wrongs and "challenges them-a government formed, "established, operating all round, with every material for intelligence, direc"tion and power-revenues, credit, confi"dence-good will at home and abroad"justice and necessity obliging, and "Heaven, I hope, approving.-It is a "common opinion that our enemies are stronger; but this appears an illusion, "from the fleets of other nations having "been vanquished one by one, and left "the ocean. Her strength has not in"creased in proportion. She indeed pos"sesses a thousand ships of war, but no "increase of people. Her commerce is "distressed, her manufactures pining, her "finances sinking under irrecoverable "debts; her gold and silver gone, her "paper depreciating; her credit failing"depending upon other countries for "food, for materials of manufacture, for "supplies for her navy; her.wants in "partly innocent people. But if her "crimes will not allow it; if urged by "the malignant passions she has long indulged, and now heightened by revenge, "she throws off all restraint, and loosens "war in all its rage upon us, then, as she "has shed blood like water, give her blood "to drink in righteous judgment.-I know "too well, that we must suffer with her. "Dreadful necessity only justifies the " contest. I call you not, young Ameri"cans, to false glory, to spoil and triumph. "You must lay down your lives, endure "defeat, loss and captivity, as the varying "fate of war ordains. But this must not "appal you. Prepare for it, with unsubmitting spirit, renew the combat, till your great enemy, like the whale of the "deep, weakened with many wounds, "yields himself up a prey to smaller foes "on his own element. This, by the order "of Providence, has been the case before. "When they possessed the sea in full se"curity, our sailors issued out in a few "small barks, mounted with the pieces dug from the rubbish of years, and "scanty stores of ammunition, seized their "trade, and baffled their power. From "such beginnings grew a numerous ship-"creasing; her means lessening. Every "ping, that fearlessly braved them on "their own coasts, and on every sea; "that brought plenty into the land, and "at once armed and enriched it. What "shall prevent this again? Have our ene"mies grown stronger, or we become seamen unhappy and ready to leave her "weaker? Or has Heaven dropped its 66 every moment. The American com"sceptre, and rules no more by justice merce has been a staff of support, but "and mercy? We are now three times as "will now become a sword to wound "many as in 1775, when we engaged "her.-Instead of supplying, we shall "them before. Our territory is greatly "take her colonies. Her West India posenlarged, and teems with new and useful "sessions will be able to contribute no"products. Cotton, formerly known only thing; their labour's turned to raise "to the domestic uses of a part of the "bread. Their trade stopped as it passes "people in two or three States, is now in" our coast; obliged to make a further "sutficiency to supply clothing to all" division of her forces, her European ene"America, and from its lightness can be "easily conveyed by land to every quarter. "Wool, flax and hemp are furnished in "increasing quantities every day.-Ma"chines for every work, manufactories for "every useful article, are invented and establishing continually. Large supplies "of salt, sugar and spirits are provided for "in the western countries, and can never "be wanting on the sea coast. Lead, " iron, powder and arms we have in abun"dance-parks of artillery for the field. "and fortifications-magazines and arse"nals ready formed and increasing-a "sufficient force of disciplined troops and "island and port she takes demands more "from her, divides her force, increases "her expence, adds to her cares, and mul"tiplies her dangers. Her government is "embarrassed, her people distracted, her 66 "mies will seize the opportunity to break " upon her there. Ireland is in a ferment "and must be watched. The East Indies "bode a hurricane. She is exposed to in"jury in a thousand places, and has no strength equal to the extension. She " may inflict some wounds on us, but they "cannot go deep; while every blow she "receives in such a crisis may go to her "vitals. She will encounter us in despair; "we shall meet her with hope and alacrity. The first occasion that has " presented, proved this fact; though the "sottishness of her Federal Republican attempted to prevent the volunteer of "fering of our seamen to Decatur, as a "proof of our inability to procure men."Had we impressed, as England does all "her crews, what would it have proved "by the same logic? "AN OLD AMERICAN." Such, Sir, are the sentiments of the people of America. Great pains are taken by our venal writers to cause it to be believed, that the people are divided, and that Mr. Madison is in great disrepute. This, as I had the honour to observe to you before, is no more than a continuation of the series of deceptions practised upon this nation for the last twenty years with such complete and such fatal success. If, in deed, the Americans were to say as much of Ireland, there night be some justification for the assertion; but, there is no fact to justify the assertion as applied to America, in the whole extent of which we hear not of a single instance of any person acting in defiance of the law: no proclamations to prevent the people from meeting; no calling out of troops to disperse the people; no barracks built in any part of the country; no force to protect the government but simply that of the law, and none to defend the country but a population of proprietors voluntarily bearing arms. There can be no division in Ame rica for any length of time; for, the moment there is a serious division, the government must give way: those who rule, rule solely by the will of the people: they have no power which they do not derive immediately from that source; and, therefore, when the government of that country declares against us, the people declare against us in the same voice. The infinite pains which have been taken, in this country, to create a belief, that the American President has been rendered unpopular by the publications of Mr. SMITH, whom he had displaced, can hardly have failed to produce some effect upon the mind of your Royal Highness, especially as it is to be presumed, that the same movers have been at work in all the ways at their command. I subjoin, for the perusal of your Royal Highness, an address to this Mr. Smith; and, from it, you will perceive, that, by some of his countrymen at least, he is held in that contempt, which his meanness and his impotent malice so richly merit. And, Sir, I am persuaded, that his perfily will meet with commendation in nountry upon earth but this, and in this only amongst those, who have always been ready to receive with open arms, any one guilty of treason against his country, be his character or conduct, in other respects, what it might. This person appears to have received no injury but what arose from the loss of a place which he was found unfit to fill, and from which he seems to have been removed in the gentlest possible manner. Yet, in revenge for this, he assaults the character of the President, he discloses every thing upon which he can force a misconstruction; and, after all, after having said all be is able to say of the conduct of the President, whose confidence he seems to have possessed for nearly eight years, he brings forth nothing worthy of blame, except it be the indiscretion in reposing that very confidence. The publication of Mr. Smith is calculated to raise Mr. Madison and the American government in the eyes of the world; for, how pure, how free from all fault must the government be, if a Secretary of State, who thus throws open an eight years' history of the cabinet, can tell nothing more than this man, animated by malice exceeding that of a cast-off coquet, has been able to tell! The praises, which have, in our public prints, been bestowed upon the attempted mischief of this Mr. Smith, are by no means calculated to promote harmony with America, where both the government and the people will judge of our wishes by these praises. This man is notoriously the enemy of the American government, and, therefore, he is praised here. This is not the way to prove to the American government, that we are its friends, and that it does wrong to prefer Napoleon to us. That we ought to prefer the safety and honour of England to all other things is certain; and, if the American government aimed any blow at these, it would become our duty to destroy that government if we could. But, Sir, I suspect, that there are some persons in this country, who hate the American government because it suffers America to be the habitation of freedom. For this cause, I am satisfied, they would gladly, if they could, annihilate both government and people; and, in my mind there is not the smallest doubt, that they hate Napoleon beyond all description less than they hate Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison. This description of persons are hostile to the existence of liberty any where, and that, too, for reasons which every one clearly understands. While any part of the earth remains untrodden by slaves, they are not at heart's ease. They hate the Emperor Napoleon because they fear him; but, they hate him still more because they see in his conquests a tendency to a reforming result. They are the mortal enemies of freedom, in whatever part of the globe she may unfurl her banners. No matter what the people are who shout for freedom; no matter of what nation or climate; no matter what language they speak; and, on the other hand, the enemy of freedom is invariably, by these persons, hailed as a friend. Such persons are naturally averse from any measures that tend to restore harmony between this country and America, which they look upon as a rebel against their principles. What such persons would wish, is, that America should exclude not only from her ships, but also from her soil, all British subjects without distinction. This would exactly suit their tyrannical wishes. This would answer one of their great purposes. But, this they never will see. No government in America would dare to attempt it. The very proposition would, as it ought to do, bring universal execration down upon the head of the proposer. The charge against the Americans of entertaining a partiality for the Emperor of France is one well worthy of attention; because, if it were true, it would naturally have much weight with your Royal Highness. But, from the Address to Mr. Smith, which I subjoin, you will perceive, that the same men in America, who complain the most loudly of Great Britain, condemn, in unqualified terms, the system of government existing in France. And, which is of much more in terest, Mr. JEFFERSON himself (supposed to be the great founder and encourager of the partiality for France) expresses the same sentiments, as appears from a letter of his, which I also subjoin. With these papers before you, Sir, it will, I think, be impossible for you to form a wrong judgment as to the real sentiments of the American government and people; and, I am persuaded that you will perceive, that every measure, tending to widen the breach between the two countries, can answer no purpose but that of favoring the views of France. Even the Order in Council, issued on the 7th instant, will, I fear, have this tendency, while it cannot possibly do ourselves any good. The impossibility of supplying the West India Islands with lumber and provisions from our own North American Provinces is notorious. The Order, therefore, will merely impose a tax upon the consumer, without shifting, in any degree worth notice, the source of the supply. And, indeed, the measure will serve to shew what we would do if we could. There is one point, relative to the intercourse between America and England, of which I ant the more desirous to speak, because I have heretofore myself entertained and promulgated erroneous notions respecting it: I allude, to the necessity of the former being supplied with woollens by the latter. Whence this error arose, how it has been removed from my mind, and what is the real state of the fact, your Royal Highness will gather from the Preface (hereunto subjoined) to an American work on Sheep and Wool, which I, some time ago, republished, as the most likely means of effectually eradicating an error which I had contributed to render popular, and the duration of which might have been injurious to the country. This work, if I could hope that your Royal Highness would condescend to peruse it, would leave no doubt in your mind, that America no longer stands in absolute need of English wool or woollens ; that, if another pound of wool, in any form, were never to be imported by her, it would be greatly to her advantage; and, in short, that it comports with the plans of her most enlightened statesmen not less than with her interests and the interests of humanity, that she should no longer be an importer of this formerly necessary of life. This, Sir, is not one of the most trifling of the many recent revolutions in the affairs of the world; and, it is one, which, though wholly overlooked by such statesmen as Lord Sheffield, is well worthy of the serious consideration of your Royal Highness. There is no way, in which America is now dependent upon us, or upon any other country. She has every thing with in herself that she need to have. Her soil produces all sorts of corn in abundance, and, of some sorts, two crops in the year upon the same ground. Wool and flax she produces with as much facility as we do. She supplies us with cotton. She cut off, as she will be, from all the world, has wine of her own production; and, it cannot, I am persuaded, retain her indewill not be long, before she will have the pendence, unless she now exert her eneroil of the olive. To attempt to bind such gies in something other than expeditions a country in the degrading bonds of the to the continent of Europe, where every custom-house is folly, and almost an out- creature seems to be arrayed in hostility rage upon nature. In looking round the against her. The mere colonial system is world; in viewing its slavish state; in no longer suited to her state nor to the state looking at the miserable victims of Euro- of Europe. A system that would combine pean oppression, who does not exclaim: the powers of England with those of Ame"Thank God, she cannot so be bound!" | rica, and that would thus set liberty to A policy, on our part, that would have wage war with despotism, dropping the prolonged her dependence would have Custom House and all its pitiful regula been, doubtless, more agreeable to her tions as out of date, would give new life people, who, like all other people, love to an enslaved world, and would ensure their ease, and prefer the comfort of the the independence of England for a time present day to the happiness of posterity. beyond calculation. But, Sir, even to deWe might easily have caused America to liberate upon a system of policy like this, be more commercial; but, of this our po- requires no common portion of energy. licy was afraid; and our jealousy has ren- There are such stubborn prejudices and dered her an infinite service. By those more stubborn private interests to encounmeasures of ours, which produced the for- ter and overcome, that I should despair of mer non-importation act, we taught her to success without a previous and radical have recourse to her own soil and her own change of system at home; but, satisfied hands for the supplying of her own wants; I am, that, to produce that change, which and then, as now, we favoured the policy would infallibly be the ground work of of Mr. Jefferson, whose views have been all the rest, there needs nothing but the adopted and adhered to by his successor determination, firmly adhered to, of your in the Presidential chair. Royal Highness. To tell your Royal Highness what I expect to see take place would be useless: whether we are to hail a change of system, or are to lose all hope of it, cannot be long in ascertaining. If the former, a short delay will be amply compensated by the event; and, if the latter, the fact. will always be ascertained too soon. I am, &c. &c. State Prison, Newgate, SUMMARY OF POLITICS. The relative situation of the two countries is now wholly changed. America no longer stands in absolute need of our manufactures. We are become a debtor rather than a creditor with her; and, if the present non-importation act continue in force another year, the ties of commerce will be so completely cut asunder as never more to have much effect. In any case they never can be any thing resembling what they formerly were; and, if we are wise, our views and measures will change with the change in the state of things. We shall endeavour, by all honourable means, to keep well with America, and to attach her to us by new ties, the ties of common interest and unclashing pursuits. We shall anticipate those events which nature points out: the absolute independence of Mexico, and, perhaps, of most of the West India Islands. We shall there invite her population to hoist the banners of free-writers to keep up the delusion of their dom; and, by that means, form a counterpoise to the power of the Emperor of France. This, at which I take but a mere glance, would be a work worthy of your Royal Highness, and would render your name great while you live, and dear to after ages. The times demand a great and far-seeing policy. This little Island, TALAVERA'S WARS.-The wars of Talavera, seem to travel at a slower and still slower pace towards that deliverance of Europe, which Mr. PERCEVAL seemed, in May last, so confidently to anticipate. An effort has been made by the hireling dupes, by telling them, that the Viscount was going soon to do something; that he had a vast plan in his eye; that, it was suspected, that he was going to take Rodrigo by a siege, and Salamanca by a coup-demain! Now, however, these stories have died away, and the Viscount, who regu larly filled a column or two of every hir |