posed to Gen. Dorsenne, to join him with fault, and beaten in detail, without being a part of my army, in order to raise the able to reunite. The division of the. siege at Ciudad Rodrigo,-to supply it English General Cole was still at Pajo; with provisions for a long time,-to take while the light division of General Crawthe entrenched camp of the enemy, his ma- ford was at Martiago; but our infantry gazines, and park of besieging artillery, only arrived during the night; and at and, in short, to give him battle and pur-day-break we perceived the entrenched sue him as far as was compatible with the camp entirely lined with enemy's troops. general plan of operations which your General Dorsenne and myself made the Highness communicated to me in your last necessary dispositions for attacking, on letter in cypher; a plan which embraces the 27th in the morning: but the English all these regions. I have now the satis-General did not think proper to await us; faction of announcing to your Highness, that our arms have been completely successful. I set out with five divisions of my army, and arrived on the 22d, by the pass of Banos, at Tamames, where I formed my junction with the four divisions of General Dorsenne. I admired the good condition of a convoy of 1,500 carriages, laden with provisions, which had been collected and organized with an activity and an order that are extraordinary. The two armies put themselves in motion. We drove in all the enemy's posts, and on the 24th introduced the whole convoy into Ciudad Rodrigo. This fortress is, therefore, supplied with provisions for a long period.-Count Dorsenne gave up to me the troops of the garrison which belonged to my army corps, and replaced them by those of the army of the North.-On the 25th we put ourselves in march. Two leagues from Ciudad Rodrigo we perceived the English rear guard. General Montbrun, commanding our advanced guard, charged the enemy with that rapidity and boldness which he has so frequently displayed; and took from them four pieces of cannon. We made ourselves masters of the ridge, and maintained ourselves there in spite of all the efforts of the English, who were obliged to commence a retreat. General Montbrun pursued them for two hours; his fire was so lively, that he expended all his ammunition. The loss of the enemy was considerable; he never stopped till he reached the camp of Fuente Guinaldo; but our advanced guard alone was there: our divisions of infantry were a march in our rear. Had not this been the case, the English army was lost: we had the mortification of seeing its divisions precipitate themselves in all directions towards their entrenched camp. If I had then only 15,000 men at hand, the English army would have been caught in a flagrant

be abandoned his camp during the night, retiring from Alfayates and Sabugal. We entered into Fuente Guinaldo next day, and caused to be conveyed to Ciudad Rodrigo a great quantity of fascines, and other materials collected for the siege. I caused the enemy's lines to be destroyed; his retreat was conducted in three columns. General Montbrun went in pursuit of him by the route of Casillas de Flores. General Watier, with the cavalry of the army of the north, took the direction of Albergeria; he came up with the rear-guard of the enemy at Aldea del-Ponte, and immediately charged them. The division Souham having arrived, the action was glorious for the arms of his Majesty, and the enemy was driven back with great loss and confusion. The rear-guard continued to retreat upon Sabugal. We have taken the baggage of the Prince of Orange and of General Crawford. The confusion was so great in the English army, that an Aidede-Camp of Lord Wellington, while endeavouring to rejoin that General, threw himself into our ranks. We have made two hundred prisoners. The army of Portugal has had one hundred and twenty men made unfit for service; the enemy's loss amounted to between seven and eight hundred men. Assure his Majesty that the Spanish insurgents have felt the greatest indignation on seeing themselves thus abandoned in the North, as in the South; and this contrast between the conduct of the English and the promises which they have incessantly broken, nourishes a national hatred which will break out sooner or later.-I must mention with praise Generals Montbrun and Boyer, Capt. Hubert, of the 22d Chasseurs, lieute. nant Merel, of the 15th Light Dragoons, as well as my Aides-de-Camp Jardot and Favier.

(To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mall, LONDON :-Printed by T: C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street,

VOL. XX. No. 19.] LONDON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1811.

"The Inquisition is incompatible with the liberty of the press, which has been decreed with the ap"plause of the whole nation: for that Tribunal once re-established, no public writer could be free "from alarm, even should he abstain from every topic of religion. While discussing any political "question, or explaining the very rudiments of the science of Government, he would expose himself to "the risk of being accused and punished by that Tribunal. We all know, by unfortunate experience, "how easy it is to torture the meaning of an expression, and to represent as scandalous an insulated propo"sition, which, joined with the context, would appear perfectly innocent. We all know with what cunning policy our kings have availed themselves of the Inquisition, to prohibit useful works, which <c were guilty of no other offence than that of exposing the abuses of despotism. We have not forgotten "how many wise and patriotic men have been persecuted as impious or irreligious; while the arm of "the Inquisition, powerless in reaching the infamous minion of power, the audacious insulter of religion " and morals, suffered the chair of the Holy Ghost to be profaned with the praises of such a monster, "and the purity of the altars defiled by placing upon them his abominable picture. Neither have we "forgotten, that the doctrines of the Sovereignty of the nation, of its authority to dictate laws, and of the "delegated power of monarchs, have, by a base abuse of texts of holy writ, been condemned as anti"christian, and their propagators persecuted, and immured in the dungeons of the Inquisition. With "such recent facts before his eyes, where is the writer so rash or thoughtless, who would think of in"structing the people while such a tribunal existed? The Inquisition and the Liberty of the Press! It is "quite sufficient to mention them, to shew that they are placed in the most determined state of mutual "hostility."-TORTADO's Speech in the Cortes of Spain.

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time, they became " Frenchmen in heart," | ble, that, with a free people on their cona phrase, which, having recently proceed- fines, the people of Belgium should have ed from the lips of the Mayor of Amster- remained in their former state. But, what dam,, has given such offence to the wise- then? The House of Austria would have acres, who, for our sins, conduct the press lost Belgium; and, has it not lost it now? of England.- -The House of Austria, It would have lost Belgium; but it would with its half million of soldiers and with have lost it without defeat and disgrace. English money to aid, took the lead in the It might still have retained the title at coalition against the republicans of France. least of Emperor of Germany and King of A nation rose up and humbled those im- the Romans; and it certainly would have mense armies; and that same Belgium, avoided those pecuniary distresses that which had so lately been the scene of the now press upon it.- -It is curious enough, Austrian power and arrogance, received, that the Rulers of Austria and Prussia, who with open arms, its republican invaders, combined against the republicans of whom it hailed as its real deliverers. That France, because, amongst other things, city of Brussels, which had seen the Austrian they had siezed upon the property of the minister treat the Dutch Plenipotentiaries Church, should both have been driven by like scavengers, opened its gates to the their necessities to seize upon the Church French, hailed their arrival with joy un- property in their dominions; that is to bounded, and revelled in the defacing and say, to commit themselves, that which destroying of every vestige of its former they warred against as sacrilege in the subjection.Ambition, revenge, shame, people of France; and that the war, which pushed on the House of Austria to recover was to ruin France through her finances, its lost ground and fame. At every should have ended in leaving her rich, and plunge it got deeper in disgrace; till, at in reducing these her principal opponents last, that haughty House, which had set to beggary. These are great lessons for out in the war with a declared resolution princes and statesmen. They are well to dictate a government to France, had to calculated to make a deep impression; yield its very capital and its palaces to but, after all that we have seen, it is, perFrenchmen, and to accept, as a boon at baps, too much to hope, that the dictates their hands, of leave to reign over a part of reason will at last prevail over the dicof its former dominions, driven out of Ger- tates of passion. many and stripped of its most elevated titles. Reduced now to comparatively a petty patrimony, which it holds by a precarious tenure, its voice is become nothing in the affairs of Europe; and, amongst its own beggared subjects, it is compelled to act a part as humble almost as even those subjects can wish; and, to crown all, it is forced, by the French, to be at war with England, with whose aid it so long carried on war against those French.Such, to the House of Austria, have been the consequences of the coalitions against France; such, to that House, have been the consequences of erecting itself into a dictator as to the internal affairs of the French nation. If the French had met with no opposition in the making of their revolution; if they had been suffered to arrange their government in their own way; if their internal enemies had not met with Countenance and encouragement from ⚫ without; if war had not, in short, been made upon them; how different might have been the situation of the House of Austria at this day! The example of France might, indeed, have done much; and, it would have been next to impossi-it

SPAIN. The War.-For more than a week the public were entertained with accounts of a great victory gained over the French by Ballasteros, whose name, connected with the word victory, was posted up at the news-paper offices, and exhibited, in large characters, on the placards in the news-cryers hats. Many columns, in our public prints, were filled not only with the account of the victory itself, but with reflections on the important consequences to which it was likely to lead.

What has turned out to be the fact? Why, that Ballasteros has been defeated; that, in his attempt to make his first movement, he was met, driven back, pushed out of St. Roque, wherein he had taken shelter, and compelled to seek refuge under the guns of Gibraltar! There the last advices left him and his army, destitute even of water to drink, and receiving wherewith to cool their tongues from the tanks of Gibraltar, while the miserable inhabitants of St. Roque, driven from the town, were lying upon the bare earth on a spot called the neutral ground, but which, was feared, would not long afford a

neutrality to them. Thus, upon every occasion, the news favourable to the Spaniards finally turns out to be false; or, at least, in hardly any case, does it turn out to be true. Who, then, will now be persuaded, that the contest will not end in the submission of all Spain to the sway of Napoleon? The kingdom of Spain is large, and though subdued, it is not settled in a day; but, as to the work of subjugation, there really appears very little remaining to be done. We are told of Spanish troops here and Spanish troops there; but, we find them uniformly making off at the approach of the French; and, it is manifest, that, by degrees, the mass of the inhabitants must become anxious for repose, and will be inclined to accept of any change of rulers, rather than endure a prolongation of the war, which so severely oppresses and distresses them. By the expenditure of vast sums of money, we may keep up a sort of lingering war upon the borders of the sea; but, what end will that answer? It will not secure, nor tend to secure, the independence of Spain or France. It will not operate at all in favour of peace; nor would it better the terms of a peace to be made with France, who would treat with the utmost contempt any endeavour to consider Spain as any thing other than the dominions of its new king Joseph.I, therefore, see, in the war in Spain, nothing but a drain upon this country, without the smallest chance of any ultimate benefit. If, indeed, we could see any probability of ultimate success, it might then be adviseable to continue the contest; but, we have now the experience of three years before us; we have seen with our eyes 、enough to convince us, that there exist not the means of final success; and, therefore, the sooner we abandon the undertaking the better. By prolonging it we do, indeed, cause some expence and some mortality to France; but we, at the same time, weaken ourselves in a degree tenfold to what we weaken her.In the meanwhile the rulers of Spain are divided amongst themselves: it is yet a serious question, whether they shall not restore the Inquisition, which was, at the outset, abolished by the French! Can any man believe, that, with this before their eyes, the people of Spain will enter heartily into a war against the French? Is it not much more likely that they will look upon them as their real deliverers !

CARACCAS.

opened, which will not, in all human probability, close till the new world has undergone a revolution as complete as that of the old. Twenty years ago, an old Frenchman used, in speaking of the revolution, to say to me: "Ah, monsieur! elle fera la tour du monde." And, really, it does seem, that it will make the tour of the world; for, so far from its career having been stopped by the exaltation of Buonaparté and the establishment of a regal government in France, that event seems to have extended the principle of change. So far from its having given the world a disgust with respect to revolutions, it seems to have called forth a spirit of liberty before unknown to the world. It has been supposed, that the establishment of a regal government in France would prove an effectual check to the revolutionary spirit; that men would reason thus: "see what "has happened in France; the people "there made a revolution in order to es"tablish a republic; but, the end has

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been, that they have got a kingly go"vernment, as they had before !" Men do not reason thus from that event; or, at least, their reasoning does not stop here. They go further; and, at last, they feel nothing to discourage them in their endeavours to effect a change, where they find themselves oppressed. Besides, France has acquired such immense power; she has acquired so much glory; she has been raised to such a height; that men lose sight of the miseries she underwent in the progress from her former to her present. state. The example, too, of so many inen, raised from the lowest walks in life, to the most exalted ranks and dignities, has great influence on the minds of men in general; and, the knowledge which the world has of the bettered condition of the people of France, the diffusion of property which the revolution has produced, the more equal distribution of power and consequence, have had a wonderful effect. These things seem to be wholly overlooked by those who express their sur prize, that the French should find imitators in any part of the world; but, these things are well worthy of the serious consideration of statesmen in all countries which have not yet been shaken by revolution; and which statesmen, if they act wisely, will take care to adopt, in time, such measures as will effectually prevent the people from wishing for any change in forms established. These reflections Here a scene has been naturally suggested themselves upon read

ing the account of General Miranda's pro- | only force that could be sent against the gress in oversetting the old Government in Terra Firma. He understands such matters very well; he was one of those men who headed the insurrection against the Old governments of the Continent of Europe, which he assisted to pull down; and now that he has ample room for the exertion of his talents, there is little doubt of his using them to the utmost of his power. He has proclaimed the Rights of Man in terms still stronger than those rights were proclaimed in France at the outset of the revolution; the absolute sovereignty of the people is laid down as the basis of government in Old Spain. Here are altogether nearly 20 millions of people shaking off kingly authority, and claiming the right of governing themselves; and this, too, after all the experience of France, which, therefore, does not operate as a check to revolutions.There can be little doubt that the insurrection will extend itself from the Caraccas to Mexico, and continue in its route till it joins the American States in the Floridas, where it will naturally stop upon finding a system of self-government already established. To the southward, we see the same spirit at work at Buenos Ayres; and, though we are told, that the Prince Regent is sending troops from the Brazils to assist the old government, there is no ground to expect that such a project can succeed; and, indeed, it is by no means impossible, that the old government in the Brazils may be shaken by the spirit of revolution that is now agitating the New World.- It is curious to remark how the work of revolution is now singularly favoured, The old government of Spain is overset by Napoleon, whose object is to establish 2 new dynasty there in a branch of his own family. England, in order to prevent this, espouses the cause of the old government of Spain; she joins the adherents of that government, and declares her object to be to preserve the integrity of the ancient monarchy. Nearly the same takes place with regard to Portugal. The Peninsula becomes the theatre of a great and dreadful war between these two powers, who 'alone are able to do any thing for or against the Provinces of South America. These Provinces seize this opportunity of shaking off the yoke of the old government. That old government has no power to prevent their success, and England, kept fully occupied by France, in Europe, has no power to prevent it. The

insurgents is safely bound to the soil or the seas of Europe. And thus, the New World is left to follow its own taste, to form and fashion its governments according to its own will. -The interesting question to an English reader, is, how these changes will affect us. How they may affect us internally; what moral effects they may produce upon us, it is, perhaps, very difficult to say; but, it is by no means difficult to foresee, that, in a few years, they must have a wonderful effect upon our exterior relationships. With free and independent governments along the whole coast of North America and round that of the gulph of Mexico and in Terra Firma, it would be exceedingly great folly for us to expect to retain possession of any part of the West India Islands; all the force we have would not be sufficient to preserve Jamaica, if the American governments were once to attack it. Their force would be at home; ours would have to be sent and fed from this kingdom. And, besides, the fleets of France would necessarily become so formidable, by the time I have my eye upon, as to engage the attention of the greater part of our maritime force.To prevent the change, the stupendous change, which I am here contemplating as probable and likely, there appears to me to be required nothing short of an union of the whole of the forces of France and England; and, the consequence of that would be, that England would become a member of the French empire; so that we should by an endeavour to prevent revolutions in distant countries and the loss of colonies, really lose our own independence.There is one other way that might retard the revolutions in South America, and that is by making peace with Napoleon, recognizing his sovereignty in Spain and Portugal, and leaving him, with his fleets and armies, to reduce the insurgent colonies to obedience.This we might do, but this is what we shall not do. We shall carry on the war in Europe till America is completely emancipated; and, let the war in Spain then terminate as it may, it will not be in the power of Europe to bring the Americans back to obedience.I perceive, that amongst the grounds, which Miranda has alledged for the assertion of independence in the Caraccas, he states the incapacity of the old government of Spain, with the assistance of England, to resist Napoleon. He says