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mankind which ought never to be forgotten in all future time. We ourselves have tasted enough of the bitterness of party strife, to make us, if we are wise, patient under the voice of warning and admonition. The characteristics, as well as the evils, of party are substantially the same at all times.

In transacting the business of life, it is constantly the duty of one man to cooperate with, and concur in promoting, the measures of another, on the ground of an entire or substantial concurrence of judgment; but much more than this is required of the man who enlists under the banners of partisanship. The well-trained partisan must not permit himself to be embarrassed by the trammels either of judgment or conscience. He must not hesitate to affirm what he knows to be false, to deny what he knows to be true, - to approve what he is convinced is unwise, and to encourage what he deems reprehensible. To countenance thorough-going party spirit, is to justify and sanction all this, yea more, much more; it is to encourage factious orators, bold declaimers, needy and profligate adventurers, to join in combinations for the purpose of obtruding themselves into all the offices of government, and, under the name and garb of servants of the people, to impose on them chains too strong to be broken. It is to exclude men from employments, not because their characters are impeachable or doubtful; not because their talents are inadequate or unknown; but because they were born in a particular part of the country, are suspected of preferring measures to men, of an attachment to reason and the public good, rather than to party watchwords and appellations, and hesitate to promise implicit allegiance to the chief, and obedience to every order of the reigning political confederacy.

These, as has before been said, are not the characteristics of any particular party, but of all party when uncurbed by moral principle; and will be displayed in stronger or fainter colors, according to the genius of the leaders and the circumstances of the times. Their prevalence at any period, not only puts at hazard the final welfare of the country, by dividing it into two conflicting parts; by perpetuating feuds, jealousies, and animosities; by threatening the annihilation of patriotism and public

spirit; but tends continually to obscure the dignity, and destroy the authority, of government itself.

When the chief magistrate of a nation permits this blighting spirit to enter into the policy of his administration, much more when he is himself instrumental in introducing it, when partisanship alone is rewarded and merit discouraged, he flagrantly betrays the high trust with which the confidence of the nation has invested him. On the other hand, when, rejecting all distinctions not originating in personal merit, he is willing to confer the honors and emoluments of the State upon any of the citizens possessed of virtues and talents capable of advancing its welfare; it is difficult to say, whether he secures, so far as an upright line of conduct can secure, more substantial advantages to his country, or more satisfaction, honor, and influence to himself. Roused by his impartial call, public spirit revives in the remotest extremities of the land, prompting every class of citizens to whatever exertions the general good may require.

After these observations, it is not difficult to understand, that it is one of the highest moral duties of men invested with public office, to guard themselves against the fatal venom of party virulence, and, by discountenancing it in all over whom they have any influence, to prevent it from infecting and desolating the land. The demon of party is usually raised by the wand of a very few ambitious individuals in a community; and this, too, with a view to their personal aggrandizement. How many, also, have succeeded in raising this fierce demon from the shades, who have not been equally successful in conjuring it down at their bidding. Let the public man of whatever grade meet the spirit of faction with a resolute sense of duty, let no excitement of passion, however craving for indulgence, let no temptation of immediate interest, or alluring advantage in prospect, no desire of humbling a rival, supplanting a competitor, or crushing an adversary, prevail on him to lend himself to the intrigues of faction and the clamor of party violence. The sword of party, moreover, has more than a single edge; and many a man has, in the end, been cleft asunder by it in the midst, who has for a time wielded it successfully. Situated as we are in this country, it must ever be the fault of a very few men, clothed with high

public confidence, if the country is distracted, and its prospects blighted, by the violence of faction and party.

The position in society, occupied by legislators and magistrates invested with the higher functions of government, gives them facilities, possessed by no other class of their countrymen, for advancing the great interests of knowledge, good morals, education, religion, and general humanity in their country, and even in foreign countries. These facilities, capacities, and opportunities of usefulness, furnished by the official situations with which the confidence of their country has clothed them, are a great moral trust, for the rightful and beneficial administration of which they are responsible. It is to no purpose to say, that these duties are indefinite in their nature, and prescribed by no statute or other written law. This is true, but the law of the land attempts to prescribe only a very small part of our moral duties; and we cannot omit to use beneficially any of the facilities we may enjoy, of doing good, without incurring the guilt of opportunities neglected and capacities of usefulness unemployed. There are sins of omission as well as of commission, - perhaps they are not much less numerous or less aggravated; and the principle is unquestionably recognised and sanctioned by Christianity, that every man is responsible for the beneficial use of whatever facilities, capacities, and opportunities of usefulness he may enjoy.*

The talents, which we are forbidden to let remain unprofitable in our hands, are our time, our wealth, our knowledge, our health, our influence, either personal or official, and whatever other powers, faculties, or opportunities were originally given us by the Almighty, or whatever he has permitted and enabled us to acquire, which can be turned to his glory, our own benefit, or the welfare of mankind. It is impossible for me to give even a general view of the facilities for doing good, furnished by the various and multiplied official situations which exist in this country, much less to enter into their details. They can scarcely fail to occur to any one, who is willing to avail himself of his official situation to make himself as useful as possible; and, if brought to the notice of men of an opposite spirit, it could do

*Matt. xxv. 14-30; Luke xix. 12-17; Rom. xiv. 7, 8.

no good. It is chiefly the spirit by which a man is influenced, that makes him useful or otherwise. Our legislators, besides procuring the repeal of laws having an evil tendency, are furnished with all the extensive means of official usefulness within the reach of legislative enactment and supervision. Knowledge, education, good morals, and religion depend very considerably for their advancement on legislative action.

It is made the constitutional duty of the President of the United States, and of the governors of the several States, to give information to the national and state legislatures of the condition and prospects of the country within their respective jurisdictions, to recommend measures for the suppression of evils, the reformation of abuses, and the amelioration of the existing state of things generally. These documents are communicated annually, sometimes oftener; legislation usually takes its tone from what they contain; and the number and character of the subjects introduced into them depend entirely on executive discretion. What enviable facilities for doing good, do not these documents furnish to the patriot statesman ? These instruments have not often contained any thing injurious to the great moral interests of the community; and, if we have sometimes had just occasion to complain of their having too little bearing on these all-important interests, still it is but justice to admit, that their distinguished authors have availed themselves in a very commendable degree of their high official situations, to advance education, science, morals, and Christianity.

Several of our state executives have taken a most praiseworthy stand in favor of literary, moral, and religious education, of associations for the advancement of science, and against gaming, lotteries, intemperance in drinking, and other nuisances of the moral kind. The navy of the United States, under instructions from the President, has sometimes, on its excursions to distant quarters of the world, been employed to obtain valuable information, to be turned to useful purposes at home. The officers of the army, too, scattered as they are through the Union and its territories, have sometimes been instructed to make themselves useful to their countrymen in the same way. Our foreign ministers and consuls, moreover, have occasionally employed

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their leisure and peculiar facilities to the same end. may express gratification, that so much has been accomplished, it is still to be regretted, that the rare and very peculiar opportunities of this kind, which have been perpetually occuring during the last half-century, have not been yet more productive of good. Objects of this kind are worthy of the careful attention and patriotic regard of all, who occupy stations of high official trust and responsibility.

But a moral duty of still higher importance, and specially appertaining to those who are invested with high public functions, consists in their private influence, and the personal example which they set from day to day, in their intercourse with the private citizens. The dignity of the office, by an easy transition, passes over to him who fills it; and there is a natural propensity in the human mind to adopt the sentiments and imitate the conduct of those who are invested with authority. The example of the rulers of a country, like the impulse of a stone on the yielding surface of a lake, diffuses their influence around in concentric and gradually enlarging circles, to an extent which the eye can neither trace nor limit. The power which they possess of checking or accelerating the progress of extravagance, luxury, and vice, and of encouraging or discountenancing useful plans and institutions for the advancement of morals, the improvement of the people, and the increase of industry, by their personal aid, and still more by the general credit and esteem which their encouragement will afford, is not confined to those who are eyewitnesses of their daily life and conversation. Their example diffuses its effects not merely among those who are admitted to their tables and their society, but is propagated from one knot of imitators to another, until it spreads its influence through the country far and wide, and reaches and affects its most obscure corners. It is true, that the law is supreme in our system, and that it is so, is the chief glory of our institutions; still, notwithstanding this, enough of influence will always remain to those who are charged with the administration of the law, to render their sentiments, and more especially their example, highly injurious or beneficial to the community. The evil example of a very few men in high situations, may deluge an entire country

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