*

The committee say, that the employments, and consequently the condition, of large classes of the population of New England, and especially of Massachusetts, are changed and are rapidly changing; and that it has become the solemn and indispensable duty of the legislature to provide seasonably and effectually, that those institutions, which have given to New England her peculiar character for general intelligence and virtue, be not changed with the changing employments of her people. They declare, that the consequences of this change of employments are not anticipation and speculation merely, that they are facts of which they have been witnesses. After adverting to various well-known facts and circumstances, they again say, "The causes for anxiety, to which we have so briefly alluded, may operate silently and unseen; but they will operate eternally as the laws of gravity. And their influence, both immediate and prospective, must be carefully watched by all who would cherish and secure the purity and permanency of our free institutions." They say, too, that in this case, if we would reason and act with discretion, we must reason and act upon the contemplation of causes without waiting for their full effect, because, if the dangers to which their attention has been directed, cannot be foreseen and prevented, they have no remedy. They allege, that powerful causes are in constant operation, within the sphere of large manufacturing establishments, to frustrate and prevent that universal education, which, they say, was provided for by the forecast and beneficence of the founders of the New England republics, "on which alone we can rely for our domestic, social, and moral well-being, which our institutions suppose and require, and which has made these republics the nurseries of intelligent, enterprising, and patriotic citizens for the younger sisters of the Union." They argue the inestimable importance of universal education to this country, where, by our laws of universal suffrage, the government is thrown, at short periods, into the hands of the whole mass of the people, without reference to their intelligence or their virtue. They state, that in a manufacturing population of less than twenty thousand within the State, there are eighteen hundred and ninety-five

* See Report, p. 11.

children between the ages of four and sixteen, who do not attend the common schools any portion of the year, and that from this number but a very slight deduction is to be made for those who attend private schools. They are sensible, too, that no wisdom of the legislature can remove the natural causes of prospective evil on which they dwell; the most they expect, is, that they may, in some degree, counteract them and diminish their effects. That may often be counteracted, in a measure, which cannot be entirely remedied. In view of these considerations, they earnestly recommend to the legislature to use all the means known to, and consistent with, our institutions, to secure universal education throughout the commonwealth.

These observations and arguments of the very respectable committee of the Massachusetts Legislature have been thus abridged and presented by me in a summary way, not certainly in a spirit of hostility to manufacturing establishments, but to call the attention of their proprietors and all others to the dangers impending, and to urge them to counteract, as far as they can, the deteriorating influences which these establishments must, from their nature, in some degree, exert on those who are employed in them. For the sake of distinctness, it may be well to enumerate the principal evils, which have sprung from manufacturing establishments in England, and which are beginning to be felt in this country, with the remedies on which we can place most reliance, and to accompany both with very brief illustrations.

1. Manufacturing establishments are unfavorable to health and length of life. This is to be ascribed to the severity of the confinement of the inmates, to the impure atmosphere which they breathe, to their want of opportunities for exercise, and, above all, to their being kept from the enjoyment and the invigorating influences of the open air. 2. Their tendency is, to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. A manufacturing population is divided into capitalists and laborers, owners and operatives, the former class generally small in number, and wealthy; the latter numerous, poor, and depressed. The laborers receive little, if any thing, more than a scanty subsistence, while it is in the nature of capital to augment itself. 3. They are highly unfavorable to intellectual, moral, and social improvement. The

collection of large numbers of children, youth, and middle-aged persons, of both sexes, into compact villages, is not a circumstance favorable to virtue. Nor is it difficult to understand, that a change in occupation, from those diversified employments which characterize an agricultural people, to the simple operations consequent upon that minute subdivision of labor, upon which the success of manufacturing industry depends, is not a circumstance favorable to intellectual developement. By the former, the ingenuity and inventive powers are called into action, in the combination and adaptation of means to ends, and thereby they are developed and strengthened. By the latter employment, the invention having been made by some master spirit, the operative is reduced, in some degree, to the humble sphere of a part of the machinery. 4. Unless their natural deteriorating tendency can be counteracted, there is reason to fear, that they may prove unpropitious to the success of our republican institutions. If these institutions continue to be sustained, which we must not permit ourselves to doubt, they must rest on the general prevalence of knowledge and virtue, as their main pillars.

The legislatures of our States may counteract the natural tendencies of manufacturing establishments, in a certain measure, and their proprietors may aid in counteracting them still more. 1. By prohibiting children from being employed in manufacturing establishments more than a part of the time, during those years when the body needs much exercise in the open air to strengthen it, and when they ought to be acquiring the elements of education. This is the plan recommended by the Massachusetts committee to the legislature. 2. By the establishment of savings banks, in which the operative manufacturers shall be encouraged to deposite a part of their scanty earnings for their future use. 3. By prohibiting, or if not, yet by discouraging the use of spirituous liquors; and, to this end, by prohibiting or discouraging the keeping of dram-shops in the neighbourhood of manufacturing establishments. 4. By encouraging the suitable observance of Sunday, and, to this end, building churches in the neighbourhood and supporting the ministers, establishing schools, specially designed for their children, and libraries, well furnished with books of entertainment and instruction suited to their wants and

capacities. This is a duty devolving rather on the proprietors of manufacturing establishments than on the legislatures; and the author is acquainted with several instances in Massachusetts, in which this duty has been discharged in a manner equally honorable to the proprietors and beneficial to the laborers.

CHAPTER VIII.

MORAL TENDENCY AND INFLUENCE OF THE VARIOUS
MECHANICAL TRADES.

It does not come within my plan to do more, than make some general remarks on the moral tendency and influence of the various mechanical employments. The most obvious division of them is, into the active and the sedentary; and the first of these may again be divided into those which are pursued under shelter, and those which are pursued in the open air. A third class of mechanical occupations may be referred to, as being subjected to the specific agencies of a deleterious or poisonous nature, as those of painters, glaziers, gilders, &c. That class of mechanics whose employments are active, and are pursued chiefly in the open air, or, if under shelter, yet permit the free access of fresh air, live under many of the favoring moral influences of agriculture. * Some of these are even superior to agriculture in the opportunities and facilities for invention which they furnish, and, in this respect, they favor and stimulate intellectual improvement. This is the case with ship-building, engineering, &c. Most of them, too, are eminently conducive to health, the most precious of blessings, next to a good conscience, and which is itself one of the most powerful of all the moral influences.

On the other hand, the sedentary mechanical employments are much less conducive to health, intellectual developement, and good morals. Besides certain evils peculiar to each, particular disadvantages belong to them all in common; 1. Confinement to one position, and consequent defects of muscular action. 2. The

* See above, pp. 349, 350.

incidental, but unavoidable, seclusion from fresh air. 3. The necessity of employing artificial heat in winter, arising from the inadequate production of animal heat, by reason of want of exercise. The sedentary mechanical trades, therefore, partake considerably of the adverse moral influences, which have been ascribed to manufacturing establishments. The mechanical occupations, which, by the nature of the materials used or worked upon, subject the laborer to a specifically poisonous influence, as in the case of gilders, painters, &c., are, of all, the most injurious in their moral as well as in their intellectual and social tendency.

To dwell more minutely on the moral tendency of the various mechanical trades, does not consist with my plan of confining myself to the elements of moral philosophy. It will be more useful to close this part of my labors by making several observations of a general character, and pertaining more or less to all the professions and employments in life.

1. Those professions and employments are to be preferred for children, which are most favorable to health, morals, intellectual and social improvement, personal religion, good habits, &c. This does not seem to need illustration.

2. The great advantage of wealth is, not that the wealthy man may rightfully live without any business, or any useful business, but that his wealth puts it in his power to select his employment. No man is justified in spending his life in doing nothing, or nothing useful. Every man is bound to make himself useful in his day and generation. But some employments are vastly more healthful, honorable, and otherwise agreeable, than others; and, among them all, the wealthy man may rightfully take his choice.

3. No good man can, in the way of his profession or employment, permit himself to be made accessory to the perpetration of crime, guilt, or any palpable wrong whatever. This has already been illustrated, in a certain measure.* On this subject, it may be admitted, that a very definite rule cannot well be prescribed; but

* See above, pp. 224, 225; 313, 314.