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touches of this picture have been blotted out by the reversing hand of time, others have been added, which have, in some respects, carried the conceit still farther. In later days, and in some instances even down to the present period, it has been. published and republished from the enlightened presses of the old world, that so strong is the tendency to deterioration on this continent, that the descendants of European ancestors are far inferior to the original stock from which they sprang. But inferior in what? In national spirit and patriotic achievement ? Let the revolutionary conflict-the opening scenes at Boston, and the catastrophe at Yorktown—furnish the reply. Let Bennington and Saratoga support their respective claims. Inferior in enterprise ? Let the sail that whitens every ocean, and the commercial spirit that braves every element, and visits every bustling mart, refute the unfounded aspersion. Inferior in deeds of zeal and valor for the church ? Let our missionaries in the bosom of our own forest, in the distant regions of the east, and on the islands of the great Pacific, answer the question. Inferior in science, and letters, and the arts ? It is true our nation is young; but we may challenge the world to furnish a national maturity which, in these respects, will compare with

The character and institutions of this country have already produced a deep impression upon the world we inhabit. What but our example has stricken the chains of despotism from the provinces of South America-giving, by a single impulse, freedom to half a hemisphere? A Washington here, has created a Bolivar there. The flag of independence which has long waved from the summit of our Alleghany, has now been answered by a corresponding signal from the heights of the Andes. And the same spirit, too, that came across the Atlantic wave with the pilgrims, and made the rock of Plymouth the corner-stone of freedom and of this republic, is traveling back to the east. It has already carried its influence into the cabinets of princes; and it is, at this moment, sung by the Grecian bard, and emulated by the Grecian hero.

ours.

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THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON.-Everett.

It was one of those great days, one of those elemental occasions in the world's affairs, when the people rise and act for themselves. Some organization and preparation had been made ; but, from the nature of the case, with scarce any effect on the events of thåt day. It may be doubted, whether there was an efficient order given the whole day to any body of men as large as a regiment. It was the people, in their first capacity, as citizens and as freemen, starting from their beds at midnight, from their firesides and their fields, to take their own cause into their own hands. Such a spectacle is the height of the moral sublime ; when the want of every thing is fully made up by the spirit of the cause; and the soul within stands in place of discipline, organization, resources. In the prodigious efforts of a veteran army, beneath the dazzling splendor of their array, there is something revolting to the reflecting mind. The ranks are filled with the desperate, the mercenary, the depraved; and iron slavery, by the name of subordination, merges the free will of one hundred thousand men in the unqualified despotism of one; the humanity, mercy, and remorse, which scarce ever desert the individual bosom, are sounds without a meaning to that fearful, ravenous, irrational monster of prey, a mercenary army. It is hard to say who are most to be commiserated, the wretched people on whom it is let loose, or the still more wretched people whose substance has been sucked out to nourish it into strength and fury. But in the efforts of the people, of the people struggling for their rights, moving, not in organized, disciplined masses, but in their spontaneous action, man for man, and heart for heart,though I like not war nor any of its works,—there is something glorioụs. They can then move forward without orders, act together without combination, and brave the flaming lines of battle, without intrenchments to cover, or walls to shield them. No dissolute camp has worn off from feelings of the youthful soldier the freshness of that home, where his mother and his sisters sit waiting, with tearful eyes and aching hearts, to hear good news from the wars; no long service in the ranks of the conqueror has turned the veteran's heart into marble ; their valor springs not from recklessness, from habit, from indifference to the preservation of a life, knit by no pledges to the life of others; but in the strength and spirit of the cause alone, they act, they contend, they bleed. In this they conquer. The people always conquer. They always must conquer. Armies

may be defeated; kings may be overthrown, and new dynasties imposed by foreign arms on an ignorant and slavish race, that care not in what language the covenant of their subjection runs, nor in whose name the deed of their barter and sale is made out. But the people never invade ; and when they rise against the invader, are never subdued. If they are driven from the plains, they fly to the mountains. Steep rocks

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and everlasting hills are their castles ; the tangled, pathless thicket their palisado; and nature,—God,—is their ally. Now he overwhelms the host of their enemies beneath his drifting mountains of sand ; now he buries them beneath an atmosphere of falling snows; he lets loose his tempests on their fleets; he puts a folly into their councils, a madness into the hearts of their leaders ; and he never gave, and never will give, a full and final triumph over a virtuous, gallant people, resolved to be free.

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ENNOBLING RECOLLECTIONS OF THE REVOLUTION.

Hayne.

It has been usual, on occasions like the present, to give a history of the wrongs endured by our fathers. But, my friends, we have prouder, and more ennobling recollections, connected with our revolution. They are to be found in the spirit displayed by our fathers, when all their petitions had been slighted, their remonstrances despised, and their appeals to the generous sympathies of their brethren utterly disregarded. Yes, my friends, theirs was that pure and lofty spirit of devoted patriotism, which never quailed beneath oppression, which braved all dangers, trampled upon difficulties, and in the times which tried men's souls,” taught them to be faithful to their principles, and to their country—true ; and which induced them in the very spirit of that Brutus (whose mantle has fallen, in our own day, upon the shoulders of one so thy to wear it) to swear on the altar of liberty—to give themselves up wholly to their country. There is one characteristic, however, of the American revolution, which, constituting as it does, its living principleits proud distinction, and its crowning glory—cannot be passed over in silence. It is this—that our revolution had its origin, not so much in the weight of actual oppression, as in the great principle—the sacred duty, of resistance to the exercise of unauthorized power. Other nations have been driven to rebellion by the iron hand of despotism, the insupportable weight of oppression, which leaving men nothing worth living for, has taken

away the fear of death itself, and caused them to rush upon the spears of their enemies, or to break their chains upon the heads of their oppressors. But it was a tax of three-pence a pound upon tea, imposed without right, which was considered by our ancestors, as a burden too grievous to be borne. And why? Because they were men who felt oppression's lightest

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finger as a mountain weight," and, in the fine language of that just and beautiful tribute paid to their character by one, 66 whose praises will wear well”--they “ judged of the grievance, by the badness of the principle, they augured misgovernment at a distance, and snuffed the approach of tyranny in every tainted breeze”—because they were men, who, in the darkest hour, could say to their oppressors, we have counted the cost, and find nothing so deplorable as voluntary slavery," and who were ready to exclaim with the orator of Virginia, “ give me liberty or give me death.” Theirs was the same spirit which inspired the immortal Hampden to resist, at the peril of his life, the imposition of ship-money, not because, as remarked by Burke, " the payment of twenty shillings would have ruined his fortune, Cut because the payment of half twenty shillings on the principle on which it was demanded, would have made him a slave.” It was the spirit of liberty which still abides on the earth, and whose home is in the bosoms of the brave—which but yesterday, in “ beautiful France,” restored their violated charterwhich even now burns brightly on the towers of Belgium, and has rescued Poland from the tyrant's grasp--making their sons, aye, and their daughters too, the wonder and the admiration of the world, the pride and glory of the human race!

PROTECTING SYSTEM.”Hayne. Surveying with the feelings of an American the actual condition of things, I should certainly be disposed to exchange all the blessings which the protecting system has produced, even in New-England, for those which it has destroyed. In the place of splendid villages, flourishing manufactories, joint-stock companies, and lordly proprietors, clothed in fine linen, and faring sumptuously every day, as a patriot, I should be disposed , to say, give me back the ships which have been destroyed, the merchants which have been reduced to bankruptcy, the sailors that have been forced into foreign service, “the plundered ploughmen and beggared yeomanry," who have been driven from the pursuits of their choice into the gloomy walls of a manufactory; give me back these, and, above all, give me back content-restore the peace and harmony which this system has destroyed, and I will consent that every manufacturing establishment shall be razed to its foundation, which has been built up, and can only be sustained, by this accursed system. Sir,

IMPOLICY OF THE

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if wealth were the highest good of a nation, and pecuniary profit the only standard by which a wise policy could be measured, it would even then be more than questionable, how far this system could be justified. But there are higher and more sacred principles involved in this question, which cannot be safely disregarded; there are considerations of justice, and political equality, which rise far above all calculations of mere profit and loss. Sir, what will it profit you, if you gain the whole world, and lose the hearts of your people? This is a confederated government, founded on a spirit of mutual conciliation, conces, sion, and compromise ; and it is neither a just, prudent, nor rightful exercise of the high trust with which you are invested for the common good, to resort to a system of legislation by which benefits and burdens are unequally distributed. Sir, can any gentleman look this subject fairly in the face, and not perceive that such a government as ours (instituted for a few definite purposes, in which every portion of the union must, from the very nature of things, have a common interest) cannot turn aside from its high duties, and undertake to control the domestic industry of individuals, without undermining the very foundations of our republican system ?. It is contrary to the whole genius and character of our institutions, the very

form and structure of our government, that it should undertake to regulate the whole labor and capital of this extensive country. A perseverance in this course will sow the seeds of dissension broadcast throughout the land; and let it be remembered, that discord is not a plant of slow growth, but one that flourishes in every soil, and never fails to produce its fruit in due season. What a spectacle do you even now exhibit to the world ? A large portion of your fellow-citizens, believing themselves to be grievously oppressed by an unwise and unconstitutional system, are clamoring at your doors for justice, while another portion, supposing that they are enjoying rich bounties under it, are treating their complaints with scorn and contempt. God only knows where all this is to end. But, it “ will not, and it cannot, come to good.” We at the south still call you our brethren, and have ever cherished towards you the strongest feelings of affection ; but were you the brothers of our blood, for whom we would coin our hearts, it is not in human nature that we should long continue to retain for you undiminished affection, when all hope of redress shall have passed away, and we shall continue to believe that you are visiting us with a hard and cruel oppression, and enforcing a cold, heartless, and selfish policy

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