lution, yet some of the things which have contributed to this state of mind lie upon the surface, and these I shall briefly notice. The most important has been the unremitting exertion of the newspaper press, which, with but very few exceptions, has been devoted to the promotion of revolutionary principles. At the present crisis, nine-tenths of the newspapers read by the people labour daily or weekly to inflame and mislead the minds of their readers, by every species of fraudful and exaggerated statement which considerable skill and habitual perseverance in lying can suggest. It is no wonder that this should have produced a very powerful effect upon a people who are almost all, more or less, readers of newspapers. Even those who do not read are impressed by others who do, and every village alehouse where a newspaper is taken in, becomes a fountain of dangerous and revolutionary principles, which find their way into the house of every farmer and yeoman. This is an evil which cannot be combatted without great exertion; but if not met, it alone would in time be sufficient to destroy the good spirit and the salutary institutions of this country. Every thing must sink before the violence of an industrious and skil fully conducted press, if that press is allowed to be all but unanimous on the side of revolution. But why is it so? First, because the newspapers which flatter the people and their prejudices, and tell them agreeable lies, are the most likely to be preferred by them; and, secondly, so far from an additional exertion being made by the conservative party on that account, to meet the revolutionists upon their own ground, and outwrite them in the newspapers, as they are outwritten in other periodicals, these great engines of political influence have been greatly neglected, and with disgraceful tameness and quiescence the Tory party have looked on, while almost the whole force, both of the metropolitan and provincial newspaper press, has been zealously directed against them. The doctrine on politics, or on any other subject, which at first appears to a man foolish or revolting, if it be continually presented to him day after day, with fresh arguments in its favour, will soon become tolerated, and in the end will probably be adopted by him, unless he use means to counteract the effect of habitual repetition. If, then, the leading newspapers, which every man who mingles in the world, or the world's business, must read, have been gained over to the advocacy of revolutionary principles, there is, and there can be no chance of adequately meeting this evil but by making newspapers as good in every matter of detail as those which are emphatically said to "lead" the public, and which shall direct the minds of the people to sound and sober views of rational liberty, and to the valuableness of the remarkable institutions which have so long preserved the nation powerful and glorious upon the earth, amid the distractions of political conflict, and the crash of revolutions with which Europe has been visited. Again it has been said, and with truth, that the personal habits and deportment of the Tory lords and gentlemen have not been such as to win the affection of the middle classes and yeomanry in the country. They have not mingled with them, nor identified themselves with them as they should have done; and therefore there lurked secretly, in the breasts of a great many, a desire to avail themselves of the first plausible opportunity to evince their sense of the cold, and, as it appeared to them, disdainful conduct of the Tory magnates of the district. This disposition was easily seen, and readily taken advantage of by the Whigs, who have made it their business personally to ingratiate themselves with those very persons whom the Tories had alienated or offended; and thus not only was political support very much withdrawn from Tory candidates, on grounds merely personal, but even where support was given, it was by no means with that heartiness and zeal and lively spirit which distinguished the support of the other side. On the side of the Tories, support was in many cases given as a political duty merely ;-on the other side it was given with that vivacity which accompanies an action that is personally agreeable. The influential Tories have been so long accustomed to high office-have been so habi tually occupied with official business, and so far removed from the necessity of attention to those particulars which ensure popularity, that it must be confessed they have something to learn in this regard, and they will now see how useful, and I should hope agreeable also, it will be, to cultivate a more friendly personal intercourse with those who expect that the confidence which they give will be requited with courtesy. There is no doubt that so far as political feeling went, the Marquis of Chandos was as likely to lose his County seat as other Tory lords and gentlemen whom the reforming frenzy has ousted, yet he was triumphantly returned through his personal popularity. He personally interests himself in whatever is of interest to the resident gentry of the county, and therefore there is no power which the combined zeal, cunning, and hatred of the Whigs can bring to bear against him, which will avail to deprive him of the confidence of the county to which he belongs. A third reason for the Tory candidates being so generally unsuccessful, is that they too easily give way. In every case where the Tory candidates withdrew, not only was there an immediate loss on one side, and a triumph on the other, but the consequences extended themselves to other places, and caused a total alteration of the previously existing balance of influence. Had London not been given up so early in the field, it is by no means clear that Kent might not have been contested with success-but the panic of “resignation" spread, and people stood aghast, instead of fighting their battle manfully, even with the least hope of success. In the northern Counties the consequent loss to the Tory party is manifest-Yorkshire, Lancashire, Northumberland, and Cumberland, were all to have been contested, but in all except the last, the candidates gave way without a struggle-the whole force of money, and electioneering materiel which the ministerial party had collected for all these contests, was of course immediately devoted towards Cumberland, and the County was lost to the Tory party. Had contests taken place in Lancashire and Northumberland, what ever might have been the success there, Cumberland would have been saved from the undivided domination of revolutionary feeling, and the absurdity of sending a person to Parliament who himself declared on the hustings, that he was not "a fit and proper representative" for the county. I know it may be said that these counties could not have been contested without a vast expenditure, and without exciting much tumultuous agitation, and I well know how naturally any man of good feeling must turn away with loathing from the prospect of the disgusting scenes of a contested election; but we should not let the revolutionary party get all the advantage of thus scaring us from our right, and if there ever was a time in which great sacrifices for the sake of county representation ought to be made, that time was on the late occasion. Something however must be allowed to the unpopular candidates on the score of the danger of personal violence which in many instances threatened them. No man is called upon rashly to peril his life in an election brawl, and some who have thus ventured have become the victims of the brutal ferocity of the revolutionary mob. It would be well if those who sit at home in their closets, or by their firesides, and write or talk of the increased "intelligence" of the people, as the cause of the change in the selection of their representatives, would take a journey to a contested election now and then, and see how this "intelligence" manifests itself-that they would witness the shocking brutality-the gluttony and drunkenness-the yells, and the ferocious violence of a mob whom nothing but force, such as influences cattle, can control. At the late elections in England, there were several carried by mere brute force -the voters on one side were escorted to the poll with acclamation, while, on the other, they were prevented from going to the poll by violence offered to their persons-many were severely wounded, and some dangerously. In other places the terror of physical force was such that contests were not attempted. Is this the "intelligence of the people?" Is it of such patronage as this, that those calling themselves Parliament ary Reformers are so proud? And let it not be said that it is to the mere mob and none other, that this violence is to be attributed. Those who set them on, or who "hallooed" them on, to use one of Mr O'Connell's strongest expressions, were not of the mere mob, but such as make speeches and write in newspapers; and some instances there were of men of property, with a number of persons in their employment, who were not voters, letting loose their workmen at the time of the election, with no other conceivable intention but to overcome, by brute force, the freedom of election, and to effect that by the violence of a mob, which they could not effect by fair and unobstructed voting. Amid the general defection from old principles and old friends, it is a cheering reflection that the Universities have done their duty. If there be any just criterion of the sentiments of the educated classes of England, it is to be found in the decision of the large constituency who elect the University members. With regard to Dublin, where the election lies in the Corporation of the University alone, there may be some ground for alle ging that no particular weight is to be attached to its decision; but in the English Universities, whose Masters of Arts, with the right of voting, are scattered all over the kingdom, and actively engaged in the affairs of life, it is of the very highest importance to find them at such a time promptly and vigorously deciding against the headlong proceedings of the King's government. I rejoice more especially over Cambridge, upon the old principle, that there is more joy over that which was lost and is found again, than over that which we have always had in possession. In Cambridge an earnest and vigorous struggle was made-minds and bodies were heartily and zealously engaged in the good cause, and thus the victory was obtained. Had any languor, or indifference, or relaxation of exertion, crept into the proceedings, a different result would have followed, but the young men of the professions had their hearts in the matter, and carried the day. Let then the result of the Cambridge Election, as it fills us with good hope concerning the principles of those who real ly ought to lead the country, also furnish us with an example to be imitated. Bad as the aspect of affairs may be, and it is sufficiently gloomy, it would be worse than madness to sit down in inactive despondency. There is yet much remaining to be done, and, by spirit, energy, and discretion, much may yet be accomplished. It is not presuming too much, from the returns that have been already received, to take the number in the new Parliament who will be opposed to "the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," at two hundred and seventy. This to be sure will leave a large majority in its favour; but a strong minority is something, and few minorities of 270 would make Ministers feel in rather an uncomfortable position. Besides the Bill,-even the amended Bill,-was full of errors which every man acquainted with the localities of the places where the measure has to operate could point out. These must not be lost sight of; some sense of common justice, or the shew of it, must still remain with the ministerial side of the House of Commons, and when palpable errors are held up before them they must pause, and condescend, at least, to their discussion. Let then the Bill be fought point by point,-temperately, fairly, discreetÎy, but with unflinching boldness, let there be no flagging, no running away from the difficulty and trouble of a determined struggle upon every part and parcel of the Bill, and much-very much will be gained. The people have gone headlong in ignorance of what the Bill is; long and arduous as were the debates upon it in the House of Commons, it was upon the general question of the goodness or badness of our present representative system— the new measure has yet to be sifted-its inadequacy shewn-its injustice exposed-let that be done as it ought to be-let the ground be contended inch by inch, and a victory will be won, in winning round the common sense of the people. But without, as well as within the walls of Parliament, a victory is yet to be gained by vigorous, patient, and good-humoured exertion. For the moment the Tory lords and gentlemen are perhaps sore at the treatment they have received,—they well may be, but to let such a feeling continue were folly ;-perhaps they have deserved some of the disappointment they have met with. Let them deserve it no more,-let them cultivate the personal good will of the gentry of their counties, and organize matters against the next election. If every Tory gentleman took the pains to make a list of the names of all the freeholders in his neighbourhood,-to ascertain the side in politics on which they generally voted, and to teach those of his own party the means of making their freeholds legally perfect,-so that no doubt could exist about their right to vote when the election came on,-a great part of the trouble and difficulty which generally attends a contest would be saved, and the party possessing such information would come into the field with almost a certainty of the quantity of support he might London, 19th May, 1831. calculate upon. In elections, more than any thing else, knowledge is power, and no exertion should be spared either in obtaining and digesting this knowledge, or in conciliating the good will of the people, and instructing them upon the real nature of the Reform Bill, respecting which they have imbibed such vague and extravagant notions. In Scotland you have made a better fight than we can boast of. I flung my hat in the air until it almost hit the sun, when I heard of the ejection of Jeffrey from Edinburgh. The county, too, has returned a good man and true, and his speech was excellent; but Sir George Murray's speech at Perth is the best we have yet had upon the present state of political matters, and every one,even the Times newspaper,-is loud in its praise.-Your old friend, THE WHIG-HATER. INDEX TO VOLUME XXIX. ADVOCATE, the Lord, on Reform, 980; Agony of Thirty-eight Hours, by Jour- Ambrosianæ, Noctes. See Noctes. to the Wise from Old Christopher, 721. Azimantium, Story of, 224, 446. Biron, Duke de, Fate of, 629. Cabinet, the Present, in Relation to the Causeway, Giants', Sonnets on the, by Champions, the Five, of Maga, a Song, Christmas Carol, in honour of Maga, 11. Christopher, Old, a Word to the Wise Colonies, British, and Anti-Colonists, by and James Stephen, by James Macqueen, 454. Delta, Thomson's Birthplace, by, 127- Demos, 277. Desert, Burial in the, by Mrs Hemans, Diary of a late Physician, Passages from. Early lost, the, by Delta, 344. Adam Dundas, 869; the Lord Advo- |