day, after the close of the last Session of Congress, an offer was formally communicated from the Emperor of Russia of his mediation as the common friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose of facilitating a peace between them. The high character of the Emperor Alexander being a satisfactory pledge for the sincerity and impartiality of his offer, it was immediately accepted; and as a farther proof of the disposition on the part of the United States to meet their adversary in honourable experiments for terminating the war, it was determined to avoid intermediate delay, incident to the distance of the parties, by a definitive provision the contemplated negociation. Three of our eminent citizens were accordingly commissioned, with the requisite powers, to conclude a Treaty of Peace, with persons clothed with like powers on the part of Great Britain. They were authorized also to enter into such conventional regulations of the commerce between the two countries as may be mutually advantageous. The two Envoys who were in the United States at the time of their appointment, have proceeded to join their colleague already at St. Petersburgh. The Envoys have received another commission, authorizing them to conclude with Russia a Treaty of Commerce, with a view to strengthen the amicable relations, and improve the beneficial intercourse between the two countries. The issue of this friendly intercourse of the Russian Emperor, and this pacific manifestation on the part of the United States, time only can decide. That the sentiments of Great Britain towards that Sovereign will have produced an acceptance of his offered mediation, must be presumed. That no adequate motives exist to prefer a continuance of war with the United States to the terms on which they are willing to close it, is certain.- The British Cabinet also must be sensible that with respect to the important question of Impressment, on which the war so essentially turns, a search for, or seizure of British persons or property on board neutral vessels in the high

of the enemy, and by their vigilance and address have greatly frustrated the efforts of the hostile squadrons distributed along our coasts, to intercept them in returning into port and resuming their cruizes. The aug. mentation of our naval force, as authorized at the last Session of Congress, is in progress. On the lakes our superiority is neat at hand, where it is not already established. The events of the campaign, so far as they are known to us, furnish matter of congratulation, and shew, that under a wise organization and efficient direction, the army is destined to a glory not less brilliant than that which already encircles the navy, The attack and capture of York is, in that quarter, a presage of future and greater victories-while, on the Western Frontier, the issue of the late siege of Fort Meigs leaves nothing to regret but a single act of inconsiderate valour. -The sudden death of the distinguished citizen who represented the United States in France, without any special arrangements by him for such a contingency, has left us without the expected sequel to his last communications; nor has the French Government taken any measures for bringing the depending negociations to a conclusion through its Répre sentative in the United States. This failure adds to delays before so unusually spun out. A successor to our departed Minister has been appointed, and is ready to proceed on his mission. The course which he will pursue in fulfilling it, is that prescribed by a steady regard to the true interests of the United States, which equally avoids an abandonment of their just demands, and a connexion of their features with the system of other powers.The receipts into the Treasury from the 1st of October to the 31st of March last, including the sums received on account of Treasury notes, and of the loans authorized by the Acts of the last and the preceding Session of Congress, have amounted to 15,412,000 dollars. The expenditures during the same period amounted 10 15,920,000, and left in the Treasury on the 1st of April 1,857,000 dollars. The Joan of 16 millions of dollars, authorized by the Act of the 8th February last, has been contracted for. Of that sum more than a million of dollars had been paid into the Treasury prior to the 1st of April, and formed a part of the receipts as above stated. The remainder of that loan, amounting to near 15 millions of dollars, with the sum of five millions of dollars authorized to be issued in Treasury notes, and the estimated receipts from the customs and

the sales of public lands, amounting to 9,000,000 dollars, and making in the whole 29,300,000 dollars, to be received during the last nine months of the present year, will be necessary to meet the expenditures already authorized, and the engagements contracted in relation to the public debt. These engagements amount, during that pe riod, to 10,500,000 dollars, which, with near one million for the civil, miscellaneous, and diplomatic expenses, both foreign and domestic: and 17,800,000 for the military and naval expenditures, including the ships of war building and to be built, will leave a sum in the Treasury at the end of the present year equal to that of the 1st of April last. A part of this sum may be considered as a resource for defraying any extraordinary expenses already authorized by law, beyond the sums above mentioned; and a further resource for any emergency may be found in the sum of one million of dollars, the loan of which to the United States has been authorized by the State of Pensylvania, but which has not yet been brought into effect. This view of our finances, whilst it shews that due proportion has been made for the expenses of the current year, shews at the same time, by the limited amount of the actual revenue, and the dependence on loans, the necessity of providing more adequately for the future supplies of the Treasury. This can best be done by a well-digested system of internal revenue, in aid of existing sources; which will have the effect both of abridging the amount of necessary loans, and on that account, as well as by placing the public credit on a more satisfactory basis, of improv ing the terms on which loans may be obtained. The loan of sixteen millions was not contracted for at less interest than about seven and a half per cent., and although other causes may have had an agency, it cannot be doubted, that with the advantage of a more extended and less precarious revenue, a lower rate of interest might have sufficed. A longer postpone ment of the advantage could not fail to have a still greater influence on future loans.

In recommending to the National Legislature this resort to additional taxes, I feel-great satisfaction in the assurance, that our constituents, who have already displayed so much zeal and firmness in the cause of their country, will cheerfully give other proofs of their patriotism which it calls for. Happily no people, with local and territorial exceptions never to be wholly avoided, are more able than the people of the United

there is openly taught the infernal doctrine, that a murderer may be one of the elect people of God, while an innocent person whom he has murdered may be doomed to eternal flames. Talk, indeed, of writings or preachings. being libellous, because they are contra bonos mores! Talk of it being an offence at common law, to publish such writings or make such preachings! I wish to know, what can possibly be so directly in the teeth of good morals as this infamous doctrine? There is not a Methodist meeting in England, where the people are not told, that good works are of no avail in en suring their salvation; and that those who never commit any moral offence at all, are more likely to have hell-fire for their portion, than those who rob and murder. And, is not this against the good morals of the country? Is this to pass unpunished? Nay, are the preachers of this infamous doctrine to be encouraged, to be excused from their share of duty in the militia, while Mr. Eaton is pilloried and imprisoned for nearly two years, for publishing a book, in which the divine origin of Jesus Christ is denied? Is it a less offence to question the truth of the Gospels, than it is openly to proclaim that a murderer, a wilful murderer, may be one of the elect, while the most innocent and virtuous man may be doomed to hell-fire? And is it possible; I ask R. F., if it be possible, to speak of a sect, who hold such a doctrine as this, in too strong terms of reprobation? -I am not for inflicting legal penalties, even upon the men who thus corrupt the hearts of the people. If the law suffered every man to write and preach what he pleased, upon the subject of religion, this doctrine would soon disappear like mists

nor laity, nor any body of men whatever,

can have a righ to enter the corn fields,

gardens, flocks, and poultry yards of their neighbours, for the purpose of seizing a tenth part thereof. He allows, that certain persons have the power to do this; but says, that he is ready most earnestly to contend, that they have not the right.—Seeing that, I shall with great pleasure insert any thing that my correspondent may choose to send me upon the subject; I will not puzzle myself here with an endeavour to anticipate his definition of power and of right, as applied to the present case; but will now proceed to notice his charge against myself, on the score of consistency, touching the subject of tithes,He reminds me, that in one of my Registers, written about a twelvemonth ago, I spoke of the tithes in France, as some of the things which the people wished to get rid of, and against the restoration of which they were now fighting.-R. F. further says, that if tithes were a curse in France, they are not less so in England.Then he says, that if they were denounced, as a curse a twelvemonth ago, they were not less so in June last, when I wrote my first. article in answer to TRANQUILLUS, in which: article a good deal was said about tithes.

-The conclusion of R. F. is, that, I have herein discovered great changeableness. Now, before I proceed to answer this. charge, which, I must confess, I am very much surprised to see made, R. F. will suffer me to observe, that this fashion of personally attacking an adversary, as a preface to an answer to his arguments, always excites, in my mind at least, a suspicion that there exists some degree of irritation, arising from the difficulty of giving such answer. Men, when they feel strong in their ability to demolish the argument itself, very seldom stop to waste their time in as- › sailing the person from whom that argu» · ment has proceeded. Whether I had been consistent or inconsistent in my two articles referred to by R. F. was a matter of no.cousequence to him in the present case. There was one of those articles, to which he meant to give an answer, and that alone was the article with which he had any.

cided by my opinion, but by my argu He was not desired to be de ments; and, therefore, to cite one article against the other, was quite out of place. If, indeed, I had made use of no reasoning; if I had merely asserted, at one time, that tithes were a good; and, at another time, that tithes were an evil; all that he would