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perial Majesty the Emperor of the French will see with extreme satisfaction the wishes of Austria for peace fulfilled, and that she should use all her means, all her efforts to procure it to Europe; but he never understood, nor will be able to understand, that this wish for peace should annul an existing treaty. This treaty stipulates an auxiliary corps; this auxiliary corps must be under the orders of his Majesty the Emperor; if it is not obeyed, what has not a right to be inferred from it?The undersigned, whose first instruction is to use every exertion to maintain good understanding between the two Empires, on every occasion to prove the sentiments which ani

jesty the Emperor of Austria, believes that the best means for fulfilling so sacred a duty is to maintain to the utmost of his power the treaties so happily subsisting between their Majesties. He therefore appeals to that of Paris, to induce his Ex cellency Count de Metternich to immediately give orders to General Fremont, to preserve, by all possible means, the position the Armistice designated him, and that he should there wait the orders of his Majesty the Emperor of the French may be pleased to send him.

ought therefore to inform Count de Metternich of it, and unreservedly explain your self to him on this subject, that you may positively assure yourself that my orders shall be executed without discussions. It will also be proper that M. de Metternich should inform General Fremont, in order to prevent all possible misunderstanding, the consequences of which might be very disagreeable."In another paragraph, he says, "It is very probable, that the order for denouncing the Armistice shall be sent by his Majesty, between the 22d and 25th. It has become of the highest importance that General Fremont should be punctually informed of it."-The undersigned, in making known to his Excel-mate the Emperor his Master for his Malency the Count de Metternich his Majesty's intentions, does not in the least doubt, that in the reply he should receive a full and entire acquiescence in intentions so strictly conformable to the last treaty at Paris. It is therefore with equal surprise as pain, that the day following this communication, he learned from the mouth even of the Gount de Metternich, that the auxiliary corps under the orders of General Fremont would not permit any hostility against the Russians; should not, in the event of its being in a condition, with any troop whatever, of thinking himself sufficiently strong to attack it; and that without waiting the term of 15 days stipulated by the Armistice, and consequently without knowing No. XV.-Note transmitted by Count de whether he should or should not be attackMetternich to Count de Narbonne. ed, General Fremont put himself in full The undersigned Minister of State for Fomarch to effect his retreat.- -The under-reign Affairs has submitted to the Emperor signed was the more inclined to believe, the note which the French Ambassador did that at least the term of 15 days would be him the honour to address to him on the observed; as when on the 16th instant his 21st inst. He has received orders to give Excellency Count de Metternich decided to his Excellency the following reply:give M. de Lebzeltern orders to demand The Emperor has nothing more at heart the revocation of the denunciation of the than the preservation of the relations of Armistice, which took place on the 12th, friendship and good understanding with his he had calculated that the reply directly Majesty the Emperor of the French; his conveyed to General Fremont would have Imperial Majesty has given in moments of before reached him, before he could have the most critical importance, too many effected his movement, and that orders proofs of this sentiment not to depend simshould be dispatched to him to that effect. ply upon facts. At the same time that It is easy to foresee, that if this arrange- Austria made formal overtures of peace to ment had been fulfilled, the orders of his several Courts, distinctly separated from Majesty the Emperor of the French, which each other, that she would enter into conought to have been expedited to Erfurth on ferences upon subjects, perhaps the most the 20th, would have easily reached the complicated that ever presented themselves Gommandant of the Auxiliary Corps before in policy, the events of war and military the expiration of 15 days.The under-preparations did not on that account daily signed is therefore induced to believe, that receive less developement. Immense arthose orders were not properly executed, as mies were found in presence of each other. it is all kinds of hostilities that Austria The wishes of Austria in favour of peace, wishes to avoid,Undoubtedly, his Im-far from weakening the approach of a great

(Signed)

L. NARBONNE. Vienna, April 22, 1813.

and new crisis, only have confirmed it in a more decided manner. Had the Emperor only half desired this peace, the necessity of which is so universally felt, he would not have acted as he has done. It is therefore with great satisfaction that his Imperial Majesty is convinced, not only by the communication which his Excellency the Ambassador from France has made, from the contents of the Duke of Bassano's dispatches, but also by Prince Schwartzenberg's reports, that by the developement of new means, he has met the wishes of his Majesty the Emperor of the French. The communication made by Count de Narbonne, in form of a verbal Note of the 7th April, contains what follows; After having placed in opposition with the pacific intentions of France, the appearance of sentiments very different on the part of Russia, his Excellency the Ambassador says, In this conjuncture Austria, who stands so prominently forward for peace, and who so anxiously desires it, must take, to obtain this end, a determined character, insist upon the immediate opening of a negociation, and enter into the contest as a principal party. In the beginning of May, when the Emperor of the French shall be in person upon the right bank of the Elbe with 300,000 men, Austria should reinforce the army of Cracow, and carry it, with Prince Poniatowski, to more than 150,000 men, those movements having taken place in April, the army concentrating itself should place itself in a defensive position, but in readiness to resume the offensive. A corps of 30 or 40,000 should be assembled in Bohemia, and on the day of the Emperor's arrival at the head of the army of the Mein upon the Elbe, the Austrian Minister should make his declaration to the Emperor Alexander, the army of Cracow should denounce the armistice, and the troops from Bohemia march from their entrenchments, &c. ; the military means of Austria should be raised to 100,000 men, for the army of Silesia; from 30 to 50,000, for that of Cracow, the remainder remain at the disposition of France, in the Bukowine and Gallicia."- In reply to the overtures offered in this communication, his Imperial Majesty, directed his Ambassador at the Imperial Court of France to be furnished with orders dated the 14th April, which the undersigned has had the honour of communicating to his Excellency the Ambassador.The reply from his Majesty, in substance stated, that his Impe`rial Majesty and Apostolic King had decided

upon taking the attitude of an armed mediation, as the only one that the two Imperial Courts found to be consistent with the actual position of things; that nevertheless his Imperial Majesty would declare at the same time, that if, contrary to his dearest wishes, the return of peace should not crown his wishes, Austria, in consequence of her attitude as a mediating power, and of the geographical situation of her empire, could not henceforth take part in the war, in the quality of a power simply auxiliary; and that, consequently, the stipulations of the succours limited by the alliance of the 14th March, 1812, would cease being applicable to the present conjunctur:.--Although the Emperor was far from believing that this determination, brought about as much by the force of circumstances, as the views and wishes of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, could be considered as an abandonment of the alliance of the two Imperial Courts, his Imperial Majesty has nevertheless directed his Ambassador to add to that declaration, that that step would in nothing prejudge the basis of our alliance with France. -The simple recital of those transactions would be sufficient to completely reply to the Note of the French Ambassador, if the Emperor did not believe it proper to point out that this Note was addressed to the undersigned after the denunciation of the armistice by the Russians had completely changed the order of things, presumed by his Majesty the Emperor of the French to still exist in the Duchy of Warsaw. The Emperor Francis, before having reason for believing from the movements of the Russian corps, that their intention was to dislodge the Austrian corps from the circle it occupied in the Duchy of Warsaw, had, by an order, with which the Court of France was acquainted, prohibited Lieutenant-General Fremont from engaging in affairs that might compromise his corps d'armee. The motives for this determination were amply detailed in a dispatch to the Prince of Schwartzenberg, dated, the 14th March; the undersigned can ouly refer on this head to its contents.If, however, the armistice had not been denounced on the part of the Russian General, the Emperor would not on his part have hesitated to make representations against a denunciation on his side. That measure, in fine, could only be regarded under two points of view; as the means of war or negociation. The Emperor is convinced that it does not belong to the mediating power to be the first in

(Signed) METTERNICH. Vienna, April 26, 1813.

twelve o'clock that night they returned on board their vessels; the next morning, Sunday the 1st instant, the enemy again landed, and sent three armed boats up the river Don, in search of public stores, of which being disappointed, by sunset both soldiers and sailors had evacuated the town, the small barrack, wood-yard, and store-house, on Gibraltar Point, having

opening the campaign; as a means of peace, the Emperor is not less convinced, that it is not with 30,000 men he can support his mediations, and that the most efficacious means of negociation are found, of which his Majesty of the French has expressed a persuasion, in the developement of more imposing forces, all directed to one only and single end, peace; in a developement which should leave no doubt that the me-been first set on fire by them; and at daydiating power would be ready, in the event light the following morning the enemy's of not succeeding, to appear upon the scene fleet sailed.The plunder obtained by as a principal party, and to give to her pa- the enemy upon this predatory expedition cific interference the necessary support.- has been indeed trifling, and the loss has The undersigned, in transmitting to Count altogether fallen upon individuals; the pubde Narbonne the present reply, is expressly lic stores of every description having been charged to reiterate to his Excellency the removed; and the only prisoners taken by assurances which he verbally received in them being confined felons and invalids in the last audience, from the Emperor, of hospital.The troops which were landed the unchangeableness of the sentiments were acting as marines, and appeared to be which his Imperial Majesty bears to his au- about two hundred and fifty men; they gust Master.The Minister of State and were under the command of Commodore Foreign Affairs has the honour to present Chauncey, and Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, to the Ambassador the assurance of his high an unexchanged prisoner of war on his paconsideration. role, both of whom landed with the troops: the town, upon the arrival of the enemy, was totally defenceless, the militia were still on their parole, and the principal Gentlemen had retired, from an apprehension of being treated with the same severity used towards several of the inhabitants near Fort sent to the United States: Lieutenant-CoGeorge, who had been made prisoners and lonel Battersby, of the Glengarry fencibles, with the detachment of light troops under his command, who had been stationed at York, was, upon the appearance of the enemy's fleet off that place on the 29th ultimo, ordered, with his detachment and light artillery, to proceed for the protection of the depôts formed on Burlington Heights, where he had joined Major Maule's detachment of the 104th regiment, and concentrated his force on the following evening. The enemy had, during the course of that day, landed from the fleet five hundred men, near Brandt's House, with an intention of storming the heights, but finding Major Maule well prepared to receive them, and being informed of Lieutenant-Colonel Battesby's march, they reimbarked and stood away for York. My last accounts from Major-General de Rottenburg are to the 3d instant, when the enemy's fleet had anchored off Niagara; I have received no (To be continued./

AMERICAN WAR.
Downing Street, Oct. 14, 1813..
Dispatches, of which the following are
Copies, were this day received by Earl
Bathurst, from Lieutenant-General Sir
George Prevost, Bart...

Head-Quarters, Kingston, Upper
Ganada, August 8, 1813.
My Lord, I have the honour to acquaint
your Lordship that the enemy's fleet of
twelve sail made its appearance off York on
the 31st ultimo: the three square-rigged
vessels, the Pike, Madison, and Oneda,
came to anchor in the offing, but the
schooners passed up the harbour and land-
ed several boats full of troops at the former
garrison, and proceeded from thence to the
town, of which they took possession.
They opened the gaol, liberated the pri-
soners, and took away three soldiers con-
fined for felony: they then went to the
hospitals and parolled the few men that
could not be removed; they next entered
the store-houses of some inhabitants, seized
their contents, chiefly flour, the same be-
ing private property; between eleven and

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creary, Black-Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

VOL. XXIV. No. 23.] LONDON, SATURDAY, DEC. 4, 1813. 7051

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KAH SUMMARY OF POLITICS. that is to say, more than double the amount SINVASION OF FRANCE.This is the of all the taxes raised in the country previ season of exultation and of extravagant ex- ous to the beginning of the war! Ay, pectations. Our news-papers now begin and more than four times the amount of all to talk very undisguisedly upon the subject the taxes raised in the country at the time of invading and punishing France. The the present King came to the throne! idea of 1793 seems to have been revived, This is paying pretty decently for the gratiand we are now to believe, that the oppor- fication of our hatred against France. tunity has returned for clipping the wings It is no matter how the contest may end;" "ef France for ever."- Whatever may whether the inhabitants, the gallant, people be the tor of Buonaparte, this project will of that fine country be finally replunged assuredly fail. France is too populous; too into the abyss of tailles and corvées, or wherich in soil, climate, and natural produc- ther they be freed from all the base slavery" tions; too full of men of talent; too abun-imposed on them by any means whatever dant in military skill and courage: in short, it matters not to us, which way the fate of too great a nation ever to be reduced, for any length of time, to an underling state. The envy of these islands, small and poor naturally, compared to the territory of France, has always been worked upon by an artful Government, to keep alive a hatred of France in this country, though the interests of the two countries really appear to be as mutual as those of any two individual members of the same community.Why, in the name of common sense, should the people of England not be permitted to drink the fine and wholesome wines of France? Why should they be compelled to go to Portugal for wine, when they can have it so much better and cheaper across the Channel?It is this hatred of France, bottomed on envy, that produced the consent of the people to the present war, which has already entailed on them and their posterity a debt, to pay the interest of which, they must pay heavier taxes for ever (unless a national Bankruptcy take place), than the whole of the taxes which they had to pay before that war began.The bare interest upon the debt, which has been occasioned by this French war, will, next year, amount to about Forty Millions, at three per cent. ; or, about Thirty-two Millions, at five per cent.Therefore, in consequence of this war against the people of France, begun in 1793, the good people of this country will have to pay for ever (unless a general bankruptcy arrive); taxes to the annual amount of 32 millions of pounds;

France may go of this we are certain, that, the war, begun against the French people, in 1793, and continued on since, against all the different governments which have existed in France, has cost us a sum which will (without a national bankruptcy) entail upon the nation for ever the annual payment of 32 millions of pounds in taxes; which sum is more than equal to the annual amount of all the wheat grown in the coun-, try! It will require, at the present prices, more than ten millions of quarters of wheat to pay the interest of that part of the debt, which this war against the people of France has caused to be contracted; and, under an average calculation, it will require as much, wheat as grows in the country. So that this war, end how it will, will prove a profitable job; we shall have paid pretty handsomely for our generous attempt to "clip

the wings of France for ever." We have done her great injury; we have been the principal cause of marring all the plans of those who really appear to have laboured most ardently to make her free and happy. We have done her most terrible mischief., But, after all, though it is shocking to reflect on what she has suffered, we have not injured France so much as we have injured' ourselves. She has, at any rate, got rid of Tailles, and Corvées, and Gabelles, and Silence de Grenouilles, &c. &c. These real, substantial curses, she has got rid of, and she has also got rid of her national debt," Let who will get upon the throne in

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put their King to death. What had we to do with that act? What right had we to resent that act? We were none of the parties concerned. It was insolent in us to attempt to express, in an official way, our disapprobation of that act. But, if the French nation were led into excesses; if they did hurl down a throne and an hier archy with too little ceremony, who was more to blame than ourselves? For many, many years, and particularly from the time that England became connected with the Dutch and Hanoverian Families, it had. been the constant fashion in England to speak of the French as of slaves. Let any one read the Freeholder and other writings of Addison, and he will see a pretty good specimen of efforts that were constantly made to ridicule and blacken the French Government. Thousands of publications

all was to hold the French people up to ridicule and contempt on account of their submitting to so tyrannical a government and so debauched and intolerant a hierarchy.

this sort appeared. The object of them

France, these curses are done away for
ever. But, what have we gained by this wing-
clipping war? What have we gained
Can any man point out the particular, in
which our lot has been mended ?- -We
have got by this war: A land-tax made
perpetual, by the means of which a part of
every man's estate is in reality alienated,
and may be actually sold by the Govern-
ment to the highest bidder.— -We have
gained a property-tax; that is to say, a de-
duction, by the Government, from every
man's income to the amount of a tenth part
of that income. We have gained di-
vers other things of the same kind, making,
together with the new laws on treason, se-
dition, and libel, as decent a little bunch
of acquisitions as any one need wish to be-
hold.- Besides all these, however; be-
sides the current charge, we have gained
the Debt before mentioned, which is not to
be got rid of by any philippic, or any nutt of
ber of philippics, against the French nation.
The envy of the people of this country
towards France has, it seems to me, always
been turned to account by the Government,
who has wished to see the people here hate
those on the other side of the Channel.
But, we must not blame the Government
exclusively. Envy is a very base passion,
and is never to be justified.. It seems, that
to see a neighbouring nation enjoying a finer
soil and climate, and a happy disposition,
has, at all times, been too much for us to
endure with patience.While the French
people appeared contented under their for-
mer sovereigns, we reproached them with
being slaves. We reproached them for
their attachment to their kings. We laugh-
cd to scorn their notions of duty to their
Grand Monarque." But, the moment
they attempted to change their Government
and to get rid of that race of kings, for
their attachment to whom we had so long
reviled them, that moment we began to call
them rebels and regicides!Our conduct.
towards the French people, at the outset of
this war, ought never to be forgotten, and,
at this time, when we are talking of a new
attempt upon the French territory, it seems
peculiarly proper to call to mind what that
conduct was. -No nation has a right to
interfere with the internal concerns of an-
other. The people of France had as good a
right to put down their Royal Family in
1792, as the English had to change theirs
a hundred years before, and as the Swedes
had to change their dynasty only a few
months ago.
We drove away the French
Ambassador because the French nation had

Hogarth's popular picture of the Gates of Calais" represents a French soldier half-starved, shirtless, and pale, with eyes ready to start out of his head at seeing a surloin of English beef arrive, while an enormously fat monk came to hail; its arrival and to pat it with his finger. In another picture, entitled, " England and "France," all is good clothing, fat cheeks, and beauty, on our side; while on the side of France, are a group of bandy-legged, ragged, bare-boned, miserable, creatures,: lapping watery soup and roasting frogs, while, in the back ground, a woman is at plough with a cow and an ass, and while i the fore-ground, a priest is, with great apparent satisfaction, feeling the sharp edge of an are, lying upon a wheel of torture.

Such was the light in which the press, and the pencil of England were employed to exhibit the people of France. It was, not done in this, or in that, particular in-, stance; it was constantly done. It was the general practice; and the people of England believed firmly, that the French people were most wretched creatures, and that their general diet was broth made of cabbage-leaves, and such stuff, together with. frogs roasted, and now and then a bit of sallad.- -But, above all things, they be-. lieved them to be oppressed by their Government and by the priests. They thought that they were compelled to wear wooden shoes; and that this article of dress (a very useful one by the by) was an odious badge

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