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Sir, they see something still more attractive than all this. They see a land in which Liberty hath taken up her abode -that Liberty whom they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of the poets. They see her here, a real divinity-her altars rising on every hand, throughout these happy states-her glories chanted by three millions of tongues-and the whole region smiling under her blessed influence.

Sir, let but this our celestial goddess, Liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the people of the old world— tell them to come and bid them welcome-and you will see them pouring in from the north, from the south, from the east, and from the west. Your wilderness will be cleared and settled; your deserts will smile; your ranks will be filled; and you will soon be in a condition to defy the powers of any adversary.

But gentlemen object to any accession from Great Britain -and particularly to the return of the British refugees. Sir, I feel no objection to the return of those deluded people. They have, to be sure, mistaken their own interests most wonderfully, and most wofully have they suffered the punishment due to their offences. But the relations which we bear to them and to their native country are now changed. Their king hath acknowledged our independence. The quarrel is over. Peace hath returned, and found us a free people.

Let us have the magnanimity, sir, to lay aside our antipathies and prejudices, and consider the subject in a political light. They are an enterprising moneyed people. They will be serviceable in taking off the surplus produce of our ⚫ lands, and supplying us with necessaries during the infant state of our manufactures. Even if they be inimical to us, in point of feeling and principle, I can see no objection, in a political view, to making them tributary to our advantage. And as I have no prejudices to prevent my making use of them, so, sir, I have no fear of any mischief they can do us. Afraid of them! What, sir, shall we, who have laiu the proud Britishi lion at our feet, now be afraid of his whelps? HENRY.

35.-EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF JOHN RANDOLPH IN THE CONVENTION OF VIRGINIA, IN 1829-1830.

SIR,-I see no wisdom in making this provision for future changes. You must give governments time to operate on the people, and give the people time to become gradually assimilated to their institutions. Almost any thing is better than this state of perpetual uncertainty. A people may have the best form of government that the wit of man ever devised; and yet, from its uncertainty alone, may, in effect, live under the worst government in the world. Sir, how often must I repeat, that change is not reform. I am willing that this new constitution shall stand as long as it is possible for it to stand, and that, believe me, is a very short time. Sir, it is vain to deny it. They may say what they please about the old constitution-the defect is not there. It is not in the form of the old edifice, neither in the design nor the elevation: it is in the material—it is in the people of Virginia. To my knowledge that people are changed from what they have been. The 400 men who went out to David were in debt. The partisans of Cæsar were in debt. The fellow labourers of Catiline were in debt. And I defy you to show me a desperately indebted people anywhere who can bear a regular sober government. I throw the challenge to all who hear me. I say that the character of the good old Virginia planter-the man who owned from five to twenty slaves, or less, who lived by .hard work, and who paid his debts, is passed away. Α new order of things is come. The period has arrived of living by one's wits-of living by contracting debts that one cannot pay—and above all, of living by office-hunting." Sir, what do we see? Bankrupts-branded bankrupts giving great dinners-sending their children to the most expensive schools-giving grand parties-and just as well. received as anybody in society. I say, that in such state of things the old constitution was too good for them; they could not bear it. No, sir-they could not bear a freehold suffrage and a property representation.

I have always endeavoured to do the people justice-but I will not flatter them-I will not pander to their appetite for change. I will do nothing to provide for change. I will not agree to any rule of future apportionment, or to

any provision for future changes called amendments to the constitution. They who love change—who delight in public confusion-who wish to feed the caldron, and make it bubble-may vote if they please for future changes. But by what spell-by what formula are you going to bind the people to all future time? You may make what entries upon parchment you please. Give me a constitution that will last for half a century-that is all I wish for. No constitution that you can make will last the one half of half a century.

Sir, I will stake any thing short of my salvation, that those who are malcontent now, will be more malcontent three years hence than they are at this day. I have no favour for this constitution. I shall vote against its adoption, and I shall advise all the people of my district to set their faces-ay-and their shoulders against it. But if we are to have it-let us not have it with its death-warrant in its very face, with the Sardonic grin of death upon its RANDOLPH.

countenance.

36.

-SECOND EXTRACT FROM THE SAME AUTHOR.

MR. CHAIRMAN,-I must notice a topic of the gravest character which has been several times brought to our view, by eastern members, in the course of debate. I mean a separation of the state-at one time gently insinuated—at another wrapped up in beautiful rhetorical language, and finally expressed in what has been emphatically called plain old English. I am not disposed, sir, to regard such menaces, because I am aware of the extremities of intellectual warfare, and can estimate the effervescence of momentary excitement. They would not be impressed upon my mind, but for a corresponding sentiment which I have reason to believe prevails among the western people. I do not say that if slave representation should be forced upon them, they will raise the standard of rebellion, or in any wise resist the constituted authorities. Far from it. within the pale of the constitution and laws, they will carry their opposition to the utmost limit; and the members of this committee can estimate the feelings of hostility by which it will be accompanied. The final result will be

But

a separation of the state. No one can doubt that if such an event should be perseveringly, though peaceably sought, by a large portion of the state, it would be ultimately conceded.

I beg, sir, to be distinctly understood. There is no one in this committee to whom the idea of such a separation is more abhorrent than myself. I believe there is no man here who wishes separation for its own sake, or who could contemplate it for a moment, except as a refuge from greater evils.

We should look forward to such a calamity, only to deprecate and avoid it. Surely, it will not-must not be. Separate Virginia? Shall she be shorn of her strength, her influence, and her glory? Shall her voice of command, of persuasion, and reproof, be no longer heard in the national councils? Shall she no more be looked up to as the guide of the strong, the guardian of the weak, and the protector of the oppressed? Break in twain the most precious jewel, and the separated parts are comparatively worthless. Divide Virginia, and both the east and the west will sink into insignificance, neglect, and contempt.

I would to God, that for this single occasion only, I could utter my feelings in

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Thoughts that breathe, and words that burn."

I would kindle a flame, which should find an altar in every heart-which should burn to ashes the prejudices of the hour, and the petty interests of the day,—and throw upon our path of duty a strong and steady light, directing us forward to the permanent welfare, safety, and honour of Virginia. RANDOLPH.

37.

.THE TORCH OF LIBERTY.

I SAW it all in Fancy's glass-
Herself, the fair, the wild magician,
That bid this splendid day-dream pass,
And named each gliding apparition.
'Twas like a torch-race-such as they
Of Greece perform'd, in ages gone,
When the fleet youths, in long array,
Pass'd the bright torch triumphant on.

I saw the expectant nations stand,
To catch the coming flame in turn-
I saw, from ready hand to hand,

The clear, but struggling glory burn.

And, O, their joy, as it came near,
'Twas, in itself, a joy to see-
While fancy whisper'd in my ear,
"That torch they pass is liberty!"

And each, as she received the flame,
Lighted her altar with its ray;
Then, smiling, to the next who came,
Speeded it on its sparkling way.

From Albion first, whose ancient shrine
Was furnish'd with the fire already,
Columbia caught the spark divine,
And lit a flame, like Albion's, steady.

The splendid gift then Gallia took,
And, like a wild Bacchante, raising
The brand aloft, its sparkles shook,
As she would set the world a-blazing !

And, when she fired her altar, high

It flash'd into the reddening air
So fierce, that Albion, who stood nigh,
Shrunk, almost blinded by the glare!

Next, Spain, so new was light to her,
Leap'd at the torch-but, ere the spark
She flung upon her shrine could stir,

'Twas quench'd-and all again was dark

Yet, no-not quench'd-a treasure, worth
So much to mortals, rarely dies-
Again her living light look'd forth,
And shone, a beacon, in all eyes!

Who next received the flame? alas!
Unworthy Naples.-Shame of shames,
That ever through such hands should pass
That brightest of all earthly flames !

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