tation of assistance from that Power in behalf of Hamburgh, which it is expected is already in the hands of the French.-AMERICA, too, it will be seen, is set down by France as on her side, and who will render every service to withstand the maritime principle of England.—It is indeed most lamentable to observe the spirit of increasing animosity and deadly hatred displayed by America towards England; so true it is that the nearest friends make the bitterest enemies, and most dearly shall we have to lament our obstinate perseverance in a measure which placed us at issue with the vital interests of a great and rising Power.— That Power and those interests now combine with France in dreadful league against us.-The basis of the Treaty of Utrecht will be catego- . rically demanded and enforced, or interminable War be made the result, a War which England must support alone.-Who will contend with greater reason or with greater zeal for the independence of commerce and the freedom of the Seas than America ?-Who will profit more by situation or circumstances, in the stipulation that Free Rottoms should make Free Goods, than America?-By situation, because recent facts have shewn her to lie at the mercy or caprice of the Powers of Europe, whenever those Powers, to please themselves or to seek revenge upon each other, shall think proper to make America the sacrifice; by circumstances, because her power and her means will not permit her at present to enforce her rights or her neutrality.-America then will side' with France in all her views, encouraged as she is by the unlooked-for success of her Navy, and, if she will so incline, there is no hope for En-: gland but in war!-We have long enjoyed a dictatorial sway upon the. Seas, we have earned it by our industry, we have maintained it with our blood; nor has such ascendancy ever till now been so particularly at tacked or endangered. Our conduct has given away our advantage. -We have not only given cause of offence, but ground for hope; we have not only angered but encouraged the Enemy, while we have depressed ourselves.-America has found her strength, and will improve it; nor will the recollection of her recent triumphs fail to increase her pride and her demands.-By an Act of the House of Representatives, a measure has been adopted, which in its violence conveys the rancorous feelings of the enemy; it is styled the "Act of Retaliation," and is fraught with the most dreadful denunciations.-It enacts, that in case of any outrage committed by the Indians in the progress of the present war, retaliation shall be made on all, British as well as Indians, they being acting in concert and alliance together; a measure in tself somewhat harsh, considering that the very appearance of war in these

parts rouses the ardor of the Indian tribes, whose pride is murder, and whose trade is blood! But it is not only what may yet be done, but what has already happened, that this law is calculated to embrace; so that for what was done to-day, the captive of to-morrow may have to auswer. We deprecate, as much as possible, all alliance with the fero→ cious and savage tenants of the desert, they are a disgrace even to the merciless trade of war; and we would advise, that a renouncement of the British Government of any coalition with these barbarians should immediately be issued forth, as the best and most effectual way to meet and to avert this most extraordinary and bitter enactment. We would not have an Indian in the war on either side, if it could be avoided; but who shall dictate to the Native whether to stand aad see his Country, perhaps his property, become a prey to the alternate fortune of contending parties, or to make a voluntary sacrifice of his possessions, and place his feelings at the control of strangers ?—The Canadians may choose to fight for their possessions, and would most likely do it in their own manner; the only bar to which can be, that they should not do it with our encouragement; let us disclaim all control or connection with these People in the conduct of the war; we do not want their aid in council or in the field; and thus we shall meet our adversary on equal terms, and defy at once his power and his denunciations.

Upon the whole, however, the hopes of Peace on either side seem to us to be far away.—Buonaparte, confident in his power, is yet will-› ing to accede to meet his neighbours in a general Congress, but he will meet them as a Conqueror, and will even dictate terms.-He is also willing to grant an armistice; but all these manifestations do not delay his progress. He that was beaten at Lutzen has triumphed at

Dresden, and has driven his adversaries before him at Bautzin, while a part of his army, under Sebastiani, is said to threaten Berlin.-Every day, every hour, that delays this General Congress, will add fresh difficulties to its deliberations, or at least render the voice of France more loud and dictatorial. On Russia alone the hopes of England appear to rest; she now may hold herself an Independent Power, and it is with her to act accordingly: yet do we fear her vacillating policy will not permit her to withstand the tempting lures that the arch enemy has yet in store for her, and which he has prepared her to expect by the fulsome but we fear not fruitless panegyric on her vain and boasting Ruler. If Russia should again desert us, (and much we fear she will, there will not remain a spark of hope to keep us from a war against a world!Let it be asked, then, what is in the way?-What

:

is there in the policy of England that should preclude her from mingling in the General Peace? Is it her pride, or her necessity? — Let the question come fairly before those, whose grave deliberate wisdom and experience can best determine.- Why do not the Prince's Ministers, at such a crisis, come down to Parliament, and crave the assistance of the Great National Council on a question so momentous to the Country and to the World?-Now is the moment for deliberation, that so we may go forth with confidence to meet the Powers, who sooner or later may bear the fate of England in their hands! Though France may hold the scourge, it is for England to avert the blow and surely it is neither politic nor just to persevere in any stipulations which may affect the vital safety of the Empire; at least, it should be shewn that the evil of concession would be alike injurious, with the measure of resistance.-The French Emperor has unequivocally declared the basis upon which he is disposed to treat, they are comprehended in a former Treaty: we have had experience, long experience, of the consequences of non-conforming with the stipulations therein contained; it now only remains to place those consequences in competition with what may be expected to result from their concession. Let this be done, and done fairly; let the men who are yet for war shew us that it is better to perish than submit to abandon any measüre of pretended policy; which, if they cannot do, let them be told, in a voice that cannot be misunderstood, that it is their duty, and must be their business, to give their harassed Country repose, and stay the savage slaughter of mankind.

DOMESTIC EVENTS.

The Parliamentary Proceedings of the past Month have been marked by two important occurrences to the Country, namely, the rejection of the Sinecure Bill by the House of Lords, and the Catholic Claims Bill by the House of Commons. The first of these met with a most decided opposition from the Lord Chancellor and the Lord-Chief-Justice of the King's Bench, who both declared their inability to understand even the purport of the Bill; the Country, however, it is hoped, will not be constrained to suffer from the lack of comprehension, which convenience, or something else, may contrive to set up.-There is no greater source of evil in a state than that which opens the door to corruption, or gives a latitude to the ambitious or the powerful to accumulate an ifluence

beyond the provisions of the Law: an unlimited authority for the creation of places without pretensions, or salaries without service, is a monstrous innovation, which bears upon the face of it its true intent and motive, and which is poorly disguised by a pretence of its being a source of reward for the meritorious, without disgracing it with the name of pension.-Let merit have its due, nor can it be ashamed of its recompence: he that has deserved well of his Country, let him be rewarded, and let the Country have the merit of awarding it :-let there be pensions, but no plunderers!

The Catholic Bill has been thrown out, the Ministers contrived to veil the deception to the last, and to buoy up the Petitioners with hope, even to the mockery of those who esteemed themselves in the secret.— Throughout the whole discussion, their dissimulation must appear manifest, as they surely must have known that the very first principle of the Bill, namely the admission of the Catholics into the Senate, would not be conceded.-What, therefore, did they mean about concession, the Veto, and the like, when this fundamental claim was to be rejected?— In our minds, the disappointment is nothing equal to the insulting mockery which has been played off, throughout the progress of the question, and which was a needless pang to the already lacerated feelings of unhappy Ireland.

May 30.

A.2.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

"THE DIALOGUE OF NATIONS" will be concluded in our next. We have received an Article, under the Head of " COMPARATIVE MERITS OF PUBLIC MEN," which will require some attention before we can submit it to the public perusal, but which, if possible, shall appear in our next.

The excellent Letter of "LUCIAN to the Princess of Wales" was composed for insertion, but is postponed at the request of the Writer. The favour from our Young Poetical Friend, though highly creditsble to his genius, we regret we are unable to notice according to his expectations.

MONTHLY

MIRROR OF THE TIMES,

FOR MAY, 1813.

HOLLAND.

THE DIALOGUE OF NATIONS.

[Continued from our last.]

France has declared her governing principle to be an anxious desire for the general good.-She has inferred, that not to her... ambition, but their own perversity, the subjugation of her neighbours, must be attributed: they have not understood their several benefits, they have not duly valued their several rights, and their default, their ignorance, or their fears, have justly brought upon them what they suffer. She tells us, that to England we must look for the real source of all our grievances,-to England, or ourselves;-to that proud despotic principle, now termed a right, which claims the Sovereignty of the Ocean; or to that grovelling spirit which has not the courage to dispute the claim.-To stimulate that courage, and to withstand this principle, France has vouchsafed to interpose; first directing how wę should resolve, and next compelling us to adopt her resolution. But where has been the benefit she promised ?-Who had sought her interference, or petitioned for her assistance?-Who had accused the vanity or policy of England in assuming her fancied right?-Where Holland felt herself aggrieved, she has known how to make herself heard and understood; and whether in a contest for honour or advantage, her spirit or her policy has ever been found sufficient. We wished no quarrel with England, especially on a ground so vague and paltry; her pride is more her own torment than the general detriment; it drives her into troubles, cares, extravagancies, and incumbers her with those burthens, which are ever a drawback upon the national exertions, and not unfrequently plunge her into difficulties, whereby her neighbours thrive on her necessities. To maintain her sovereignty on the seas, she is compelled to keep up that establishment which shall secure it, or hold out that tone of policy which is ever in her way on occasions of true interest :-let her, then, enjoy her pride, since it affords to us so much advantage.-Holland has, it is true, in former times, contended for this phantom, whereby, though she might gain honour, she lost much in substance.-The business of the world is traffic; and, would each Power learn its true importance, its interests and not its pride must be the object of consideration.

FRANCE. It is this principle of interest which blinds the reason and contracts the judgement.-Yet where would this interest be injured by the subversion of the lordly power which England dares assume?→ Would Commerce flourish less because the seas were free?-Or rather does not its very spirit and essence consist in an equalization of authority, a balance of influence, whereby the freedom of intercourse shall not be endangered, nor the ardor of enterprise contracted or controled? Why should the power be placed in any single hand to circumscribe

YOL, III,