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ten ; on this point it was not, in his opinion, a sufficient authority. All the other cases on this question, clearly establish this, "that no subject can be arrested but by due process of law," which must be evidenced by information on ath.-This led him to the second question, and he might venture to say, the only question in this case, namely, whether, on the matter disclosed on the Defendant's plea, the Plaintiff can have or maintain his action against him. It has been relied on, on the part of the Defendant, that he truly alleged, as Chief-Justice, sufficient matter to shew that he acted in his judicial capacity; and, therefore, that he is not answerable in any action; and farther, that no action what ever can be maintained against him for an act done by him as Judge. This principle on behalf of Judges is of great importance; that it should be so, it is so essentially ne cessary to the impartial administration of justice, that the persons

administering it should be free from fear or apprehension in discharging their duty. It is calcu→ lated not only for the benefit of Judges, but for the advantage of the Public. It protects their rights, while it ensures the impartial administration of justice.--He proceeded and said, there was no question made at the Bar, that for any act done by a Judge, sitting in Court, he was not responsible in an action to the party. But this was not the entire of the case of Floyd and Barker. That case not only exempts judicial acts done by Judges, sitting in Court, but also acts done out of Court. -This embraces the entire of the present case, and brings it within its authority.

Lord Norbury followed on the same side.

The Demurrer, therefore, of the Lord-Chief-Justice being deemed admissible by three Judges out of the four, the Plaintiffs were nonsuited.

We have laid before our Readers the principal arguments adduced on either side in this most important discussion, which appears to involve the dearest right of the subject, his personal liberty, as well as to affect the principle of the law of the laud, and the existence of our boasted Constitution. Upon such a subject, it is assuredly to be regretted that the first authorities should be found to disagree, since it gives a license to opinion, which, notwithstanding the decision of the Court, cannot fail to be indulged. The matter in debate was, whether a Lord-Chief-Justice had a right, that is, a constitutional power, vested in him, to issue his warrant, and thereby imprison any individual at pleasure; or whether he must, by necessity, not only have an information on oath tendered to him to guarantee his interference, but also that he is bound to express that obligation in the warrant for ap prehension. It will be seen that the arguments of Mr. Justice Flet cher went clearly to embrace the latter point;-he says, the Chief Justice has put in his plea of justification as to the issue of the warrant only; that he had a right as Lord-Chief-Justice to issue such warrant, virtute officii: he stood forward against the Plaintiff on such ground only; as, in his plea before the Court, no mention was made of any other cause for the warrant than the power he held, by virtue of his office:- -here was 66 no information-no accusation— -no suspicion-no fact-no averment of any thing to induce the arrest," but the will and the power of the Lord-Chief-Justice alone, which was set up as the point of justification. It will be here understood, that Mr. Justice

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Fletcher was speaking of the document before them, namely, the Demurrer of the Lord-Chief-Justice; this was the substance on which he was called to decide, and he looked to no other: - it was not what was actually contained in the warrant, nor its consequent propriety: but simply this, whether a Lord-Chief-Justice could justify the imprisonment of an individual without the forms of law, or whether he did not do it at his peril. There was no qualification in the plea of the Chief-Justice;-it did not say, the warrant was thus empowered, that it bore upon the face of it the ground on which he acted: no; it stated, that, by virtue of his office, he might do such an act, which the law denied to be done by others; his Counsel had said, "that however the act of issuing the warrant, and the consequent arrest, might appear to be illegal, yet that the Chief-Justice, by virtue of his office, was exempt from an action at law, and that this exemption was a sufficient bar."-Now, in regard to the judgement of the Court, we have no hesitation to concur in its decision, because it did appear, ac cording to the observations of Mr. Justice Mayne, that the warrant contained the proper requisites for the purpose, stating the reasons why the Lord-Chief Justice took upon himself to order the arrest of the parties on this ground, therefore, we certainly agree in the judgement of the Court; the Lord-Chief-Justice had done no wrong in issuing the warrant so constituted: but we contend, in unison with M Justice Fletcher, that, when any Lord-Chief-Justice comes forward to contend for the right of imprisoning individuals merely by virtue of his office, he mistakes the object and compass of his commission, overrates his power, and misconceives and misinterprets the intent and meaning of the law of the land.-A Judge thus acting, so far from claiming a privilege from his high trust and office, becomes, from that very cause, the more reprehensible, his trust and office, shall both condemn him! It is not because he is held to be independent, and accountable to none for his decisions, that it is intended to be understood he should be held independent of the Law :-no, the Law is the boundary of the Judge as much as it is of other men; uay, it is doubly binding on those to whom the sanctity of justice is committed.-It shall not be, because we submit the interpretation and administration of the Law to certain characters, that thereby we must submit to its subversion. The impeccability of Judges attaches only to their freedom of decision, that they should not pronounce their judgement in fear; but even such judgements are bound to be according to law, within the strict rule of right; there is no claim of privilege to commit oppression.-What greater species of tyranny can he conceived than the dominion of an arbitrary Judge? Truly did Mr. Justice Fletcher remark, that, if the power of imprisonment by warrant be assumed by a Lord-Chief-Justice, merely because of the Letters Patent of a Judge of the Court of King's Bench, it may equally be assumed by all and every one who bears the King's Cominission even down to the lowest Minister of Justice. No man's liberty would be secure, if such a Patent could confer such power. Therefore it is that we conceive the opinion of Mr. Justice Fletcher as entitled to the highest conside ration, as well for its legal equity as its constitutional spirit; nor is its force or efficacy, in our minds, at all diminished by the opinions of his Brother-Judges, or their decision in this cause. It will, however, be understood, that we do not arraign that decision, because we consider

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the warrant to have been provided with the necessary requisites to render it valid; it is only that we join His Lordship in the principle, that without such requisites, that is, without the specification of information on oath, averment, or declaration of suspicion, a Judge's warrant has no power to commit to prison, or to inflict any privation on any individual whatever; and that, were it once admitted to be otherwise, a most destructive innovation would be encouraged, which might lead to the worst of consequences, detrimental to the rights and liberties of the people, and the total subversion of the law of the land.

SENTENCE FOR LIBEL.

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In a former Number we entered at length into the investigation of the alleged Libel attributed to the Editor and Printer of "The Exa"miner," and endeavoured to shew, with all deference to the verdict of a Jury, that the practice or rule of Courts, in the matter of Libel, which refuses the evidence of Truth, cannot be consonant to the in tent and meaning of law, because directly contrary to reason and right, on which all Law is or ought to be dependant. But it is not alone to the treatment of the case that we would object, the treatment after conviction forms no inconsiderable latitude for reprehension. In the punishment of other offences, there appears, as most assuredly there ought to do, a prevailing principle of mercy; as few cases are found to demand the extent of severity which the law has fixed to the offence :-but in the case of Libel, there appears to be no prescribed boundary, all resting with those with whom there seems to exist a more particular abhorrence of the offence; which is in no way lessened by the doubt or hesitation of a Jury, nor any shade of difference admitted whether a Verdict had been obtained reluctantly or not; the Verdict once given, there is little hope of lenity; indeed, every offence is rated as the worst, till the next appears to displace it; and thus the punishments may go on increasing till they become past endurance. The sentence upon the Messrs. Hunts is assuredly most severe, which "was, "that they should be each fined 500l. and imprisoned Two Years: John Hunt in the Prison of Cold-Bath-fields, and Leigh Hunt in that of Horsemonger-lane: at the expiration of which imprisonment, to find security for five years, themselves in 500l. and two sureties in 2501. each."-A sentence, to which, in comparison with the nature of the offence, and the condition of men's minds and situations of life, that of a Common Felon is infinitely preferable, who, though under condemnation, is made to endure a few months privation, and then ⚫ set at large without security or farther impediment. One good bas, however, been obtained from the over-strained use of this severitv, which is, that, by its infliction in the cases of those who were sent into banishment to distant jails, a spirit of remonstrance, was justly kin dled, which has had the salutary effect of preventing such an abuse of power in future. Men will no more be sent to solitary dungeons, in prisons under the control of arbitrary individuals, who make the law of the land as well as the right of the subject subservient to their law of convenience; and the Court of King's Bench will rest content with the ordinary power ascribed to it by the Constitution.

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FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

STATE PAPER.

Report to His Majesty the King of Sweden, by his Minister for Foreign Affairs, dated Stockholm, Jan. 7, 1813.

"Sire,-I this day execute the orders which Your Majesty gave me, to lay before you a Report on the political relations between Sweden and France for the last two years.

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Nothing does more honour to å nation, than the publicity which the Government gives to its diplomatic acts, and nothing is better calculated to consolidate harmony between a Monarch and his People, than a frank communication of the secrets of policy. Every patriot will find, in the statement which Your Majesty has ordered me to make, a new proof of the esteem of his Sovereign, for his information and his love of the country.

"The relations of Sweden with Great Britain had not yet, at the end of November, 1810, assumed a character of open hostility. The commerce of Sweden, though limited in its activity, especially by peace of Paris, was not yet, thanks to the moderation of the English cabinet, entirely interrupted.

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"The manifestations of ill-will on the part of France, which, during the course of 1810, had of ten threatened to become serious pretensions, at first appeared confined to the rigid maintenance of the Continental System in Pomerania; but they were at last openly directed against Sweden, and a demand was even made to exclude the Americans from our ports. Your Majesty, however, succeed

VOL. III.

ed by perseverance and moderation in averting the consequences.

"It was nevertheless to be presumed, that this fortunate situation, affording Sweden the means of recruiting her strength, exhausted by a destructive war, would not be of long duration. The Emperor Napoleon had laid down for subjugated Europe a peremptory rule, that he would acknowledge as friends only the enemies of Britain;-that neutrality, formerly the bulwark of the weaker States, amidst the contests of the most powerful, no longer had any real meaning; and that all the combinations of policy, every feeling of dignity, must disappear before the omnipotence of arms, and an unbending will.

"In the beginning of November, 1810, and a few days before the separation of the States of the realm, a dispatch arrived from the Baron de Lagerbjelke at Paris. It detailed a conversation which he had had with the Emperor of the French, the result of which was, that Your Majesty would have to choose between the interruption of your relations with France, and a formal declaration of war against England. Baron Alquier, the French Minister at Stockholm, presented a note to the same effect, and demanded a categorical answer within five days, threatening to quit Sweden, should the Government not obey the will of his master.

"When Your Majesty, at a moment so urgent, took a view of the internal and external situation of your kingdom, you saw no means which could enable you to adopt a free decision. The Continental Powers then followed solely the impulse of France, and the

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season of the year removed every hope of being assisted by England, in the event of the kingdom being attacked during the course of the winter. The shortness of the term fixed for returning an answer, did not admit of ascertaining the sentiments of the neighbouring States; and the resources of the realm, both in money and the means of defence, were so li-, mited, that there was no flattering prospect of being able to secure the integrity and independence of Sweden. The Prince-Royal, penetrated with the necessity of saving the State, imposed silence on his affections, and solemnly declared, that Your Majety ought to dismiss all consideration of his peculiar situation and of his past connections,and that he would execute with zeal and fidelity whatever Your Majesty might enjoin for maintaining the honour and independence of the kingdom.

"Your Majesty, wishing to reserve for a more convenient opportunity the efficacious resource conveyed in the declaration of the Prince-Royal, considered it as an imperious duty to yield for a moment to the storm, flattering your self that the Emperor Napoleon would not all at once endanger the last resources of Sweden, by rigor ously exacting open hostilities with Great Britain.

However, scarcely was the Declaration of War against EngJand published, and the commerce of Sweden abandoned to the discretion of the British Cabinet, when the French Minister began to develope a plan, pursued without interruption, to cause Sweden to take upon herself the same obligations which have brought so many misfortunes on the Confederated States. A considerable body of seamen was at first demanded for the purpose of manning the French fleet at Brest; next, a

corps of Swedish troops to be in the pay of France ;-the introduction into Sweden of a tarif of 50 per cent. on colonial produce; and, finally, the establishment of French douaniers at Gottenburgh. All these demands having been rejected, the consequence was, that the measures of the French Government towards Sweden soon assumed a hostile character.

"Shortly after his arrival, M, Alquier spoke of the necessity of a closer alliance between Sweden and France; and, though he re→ ceived a polite answer, this reply had no effect. He then proposed an alliance between Sweden, Denmark, and the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, under the protection and guarantee of France. This pro posal had for its object to create a Confederation of the North, similar in its obligations and object to that which combined the strength of Germany under the French domination. But Your Majesty deeming it conformable neither to your situation nor your duties to acquiesce, the old proposal for a separate alliance with France was speedily renewed. Though M. Alquier announced only verbally this desire of his master, he yet demanded an answer in writing, and affected to view the difficulty of obtaining it as a mark of indif ference towards the French system ou the part of the Swedish Go vernment.

"Your Majesty could doubtless have required, that a more ample, and especially a written, communication should be made to you, on the subject of this projected alliance; and, though you had reason to fear that the demands of a written answer to a verbal overture had no other object than that it might be shewn at St. Petersburgh, to prove that Sweden was wholly dependant on France, yet you resolved to overlook these considera

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