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son the Duc de Berri.
In his own
palace a king of France was re-
duced to give up his service of plate
before the village would sell him bread.
Thus refreshed, he had strength to
abdicate in favour of his son the Duc
d'Angoulême, who at once assigned
his right to his nephew, the Duc de
Bordeaux; and this done, the whole
party passed by easy stages into an
inglorious exile.

Louis Philippe would fain have retained Rambouillet, but the government took it for the nation, and ignobly

let it to a phlegmatic German, who had
an ambition to sleep in the bed of
kings, and could afford to pay for the
gratification of his fancy. The Ger-
man's lease has expired, and the second
republic has found new tenants in a
company of speculators whose master
of the ceremonies rules despotic from
fair Julie's throne. For past glories
the new monarch cares little; his anx-
ieties are for the present and the future;
and he it is who is most concerned in
crying
"RAMBOUILLET
EST MORT!
VIVE RAMBOUILLET!"

MICHAEL DRAYTON AND THOMAS LODGE.

MR. URBAN,

YOU must allow me briefly to supply a deficiency in my last article upon Michael Drayton's unknown poem "Endimion and Phoebe:" that deficiency has been pointed out to me by several friends; but it would not have occurred had I not been afraid of making my previous communication too long. It relates to the manner in which Thomas Lodge, in 1595, notices

Drayton's production of (as I suppose) 1594; and I shall take this opportunity also of saying a few words about Lodge, and his very interesting collection of satires, epistles, and pastorals, published in 1595 under the quaint title of “A Fig for Momus."

Lodge's epistle "To Master Michael Drayton" is the fifth in the volume, and opens thus :

Michael, as much good hap vnto thy state, As orators haue figures to dilate; As many crownes as alchymists haue shifts; Briefly, so many goods as thou hast guifts. The writer then proceeds to notice the envy that had attended the publication of some of Drayton's productions, and so immediately adverts to a passage in "Endimion and Phœbe," that we may not unnaturally suppose

that the unfavourable reception of it by certain parties, and their "railing and detraction," subsequently led to the suppression of it by Drayton. Lodge says,

I haue perus'd thy learned nines and threes,
And scan'd them in their natures and degrees,
And to thy choice Apologie applie
This sodaine tribute of my memorie;"

and then he goes on to supply some of
Drayton's omissions, where in "Endi-

mion and Phoebe," near the end of his poem, he thus speaks;

For none but these were suffered to aproch, Or once come neere to this celestiall coach, But these two of the numbers, nine and three, Which, being od, include all vnity.-Sign. F. 3. The seventeen following lines, in which the author dwells upon the virtues and "particularities of the numbers nine and three, are quoted in "England's Parnassus," 1600 (p. 2), and, having "M. Drayton" at the end of them, first led me to discover

that he was the author of "Endimion and Phoebe." We may be confident that Lodge's Epistle to Drayton was written in 1595, after the appearance in print of "Endimion and Phoebe." Nevertheless it is quite evident, that some portion of Lodge's volume was

written as early as 1591 or 1592, when Lord Burghley had retired from court, burdened by age and domestic calamity, and was leading the life of a hermit in an obscure cottage attached to his great and splendid mansion at Theobalds (see Hist. Engl. Dram. Poetry and the Stage, i.

283). Lodge's second Eclogue is a dialogue between Philides and Eglon, which opens as follows, and shows at once that by Eglon the poet intended Lord Burghley, who in 1591 had been about half a century in office: Philides asks,

What wrong or discontent, old Eglon, hath witheld
Thine honorable age from gouerning the state?

Why liuest thou thus apart whose wisdome wont to shield
Our kingdome from the stormes of foes and home-bred hate?

This view of the pastoral, which nobody has hitherto taken, gives it peculiar interest and importance, since

it connects it with a curious point of history and biography. Eglon replies,

Ah, Philides! the taste of trouble I haue felt,
Mine actions misconceau'd, my zeale esteem'd impure,
My policie deceite (where faithfully I delt),--
These wrongs (all undeseru'd) have made me liue obscure.

The "taste of trouble he had felt" was the loss by Lord Burghley of his wife and daughter. Philides remonstrates darkly against some disrespect

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with which the age of the lord treasurer had been treated, and Eglon subsequently adds,

Not these alone procure me leaue mine honored place,
But this-because 'tis time with state no more to deale;
The houre prefixt is come, the reuolution fixt,
Wherein I will and must giue over gouernement.

In spite of this "reuolution fixt," we know that Lord Burghley was soon afterwards prevailed upon by the queen and her courtiers to return to his public employments, and that George Peele, the poet, was engaged to write a sort of pastoral contributing to the event. I do not find in Lodge's 'Fig for Momus" any allusion to Peele; but it is full of notices of other poets, some of whom are introduced by name, others by appellations that can be distinctly applied to them, and some by names which are not easily unriddled. Among the last are Ringde, Damian, and Wagrin the second consist of Colin, the poetical name of Spenser (to whom the first eclogue is inscribed), Rowland, which Drayton had assumed (who is addressed in the third eclogue), and Golde, which is only an inversion of the name of Lodge himself, as I explained in my last communication. Lodge also addresses Drayton in a separate epistle by name, as well as Daniel

and W. Bolton, whom we may suppose related to the Edmund Bolton who, under his initials, wrote a sonnet to the Countess of Bedford in 1596, prefixed to Drayton's "Mortimeriados."

My quotations from Lodge's "Fig for Momus" are made from the original edition of 1595; but it may be necessary to remark that, although some copies of this valuable work vary in literal particulars, it was not reprinted until it came from the Auchinleck press in 1817, disfigured by many errors and corruptions. In the third eclogue between Wagrin and Golde, addressed to Drayton under the name of Rowland, a whole line is left out near the end, which it may be well here to supply (and I give it in italic type), in order that those who have impressions of the Auchinleck edition may insert it if they think proper. Wagrin speaks, in answer to Golde, who declares his determination, from the want of encouragement, to abandon poetry :

A better minde God send thee, or more meanes.
Oh! would'st thou but conuerse with Charles the kind,
Or follow haruest where thy Donroy gleanes,

These thoughts would cease; with them thy muse should find

A sweet converse: then, this conceit, which weanes
Thy pen from writing, should be soone resign'd.*

Besides the omission of the fifth line, an error of the press, by printing thee for "them," makes nonsense of the fourth. In the preceding eclogue (II.) two lines that are assigned to Philides belong to Eglon, and on the whole I hardly know of a reprint of any old book that is less trustworthy: the short address "To the Gentlemen Readers

whatsoever" contains nineteen variations from the original text. I am unwilling to trouble you with them now, especially as I wish to confine my letter to a narrow compass, but if any of your readers should hereafter desire to see a list of the more glaring mistakes, I will furnish it through your pages. J. PAYNE COLLIER.

PAUL LOUIS COURIER.

an

THE time is almost gone by when an author, however great his genius or energy, can become, simply as author, a political power. The admirable articles which appear in so many of our periodical publications have rendered it nearly impossible for an individual by the mere force of talent, or of eloquence, of satirical sharpness, or of fulminating denunciation, to acquire a celebrity or an influence much above others as a political writer. After having glanced at our weekly and daily newspapers, our magazines and reviews, we have little either of leisure or taste for the separate and special utterances of any single man on the most momentous subject, whatever be their force or literary excellence. Pamphlets continue to be published, for there is no lack of persons persuaded that what they have to say on some passing topic is the word chiefly needed to be said; but few souls are now innocent enough to confess to the reading of a pamphlet. Mr. Thomas Carlyle's recent publications may seem to be an exception. What he has given to the world as a pamphleteer has been extensively read. But the interest here has been principally literary, the attraction being in Mr. Carlyle's unequalled pictorial ability. The last writer in England who was a real living popular power as a political writer was Cobbett. But for several years before he died his empire

over the hearts of the working classes was declining; and such an empire could now be neither created nor maintained. The very qualities which made Cobbett so famous, which made him alike the terror of governments and the favourite of the people, would either at present produce no attention or would excite disgust. Besides, the sympathies of Englishmen are less exclusively engaged by politics than in past generations. For good or for evil, our thoughts go in a thousand various directions, and are too busy about all things for our feelings to be concentrated on any one. Amongst us politics have ceased to be a passion. They have descended into the number of novelties and curiosities which furnish food for conversation. The political writer, then, however eminent or able, can, from this circumstance, no longer be that fiery, tempestuous, conquering power that he was in the days of Junius. In an age also which, however unheroic in its habits and tendencies, yet yearns for something heroic in action, the gift of potent speech, whether manifested by tongue or pen, is beginning to be regarded with exceeding suspicion. He who speaks and he who writes with the most earnestness and genius is merely viewed as a more skilful charlatan than his brethren, till mighty deeds inspire faith in mighty words, and dispose men to find in both divine revealings.

* Who "Charles the kind" might be does not at present occur to me; but Donroy, I apprehend, was Roydon, the poet and the friend of Spenser, who at this period was probably in flourishing circumstances, but who afterwards became so poor, that in 1622 Edward Alleyn, the actor, relieved his wants by the gift of sixpence. See "Memoirs of Alleyn," printed for the Shakespeare Society in 1841.

From what precedes we may conclude that the illustrious man of whom we are about to give some account would, if he had lived in these times, have put forth his faculties on objects and in shapes altogether different from those on and in which he actually expended them. We cannot suppose that so bold and reckless a spirit as Paul Louis Courier would, at whatever period or in whatever circumstances his lot had been cast, have refrained from fixing the vigorous impress of his mental pith on the course of public affairs. But in these days we may be sure that he would not have chosen books as the instruments for effecting his purpose. His keen eye would at once have discerned the necessity for something more concentrated, consecutive, and crushing than the cleverest pamphlets that ever were written. And if he could not himself have risen to the height of a comprehensive and organic statesmanship, he would have done his best to make such statesmanship possible for other and more commanding minds in his debased and distracted country. Paul Louis Courier was born at Paris in 1773. His father, a man of wealth, of much talent and of considerable literary acquirements, retired to Touraine while his son was still a child. In the scenery of that beautiful region he found teachings which probably thwarted his father's plans regarding him. It was his father's wish that he should devote his chief attention to the exact sciences. But, though he acquired a knowledge of these with sufficient facility, yet his tastes lay altogether in a different direction. Two of his most absorbing pursuits through life were love for classical antiquities and for Greek literature. And his enthusiasm for both displayed itself at a very early period. In accordance with the will of his father, rather than from any liking of his own, he adopted the military profession and entered on its preparatory studies. He was in the school of artillery at Châlons when the Prussian invasion occurred. That, by the energy and promptitude of Dumouriez, was repelled. Courier and his comrades guarded the gates at Châlons for a part of the time that the invasion lasted. He was not, however, a very industrious student at Châlons, neither

was he much inclined to submit to the discipline of the school. He was in the habit of forgetting that the doors of the school closed at a certain hour every evening, and was often obliged to enter by climbing over the wall.

In 1793 Courier, having been appointed an officer of artillery, joined the army of the Rhine. He had none of the ardour of his profession. He was already disenchanted when he entered on it; but being brave and resolute he went through the duties assigned him with sufficient distinction. He was always glad however to turn from the noise of drums and the clang of arms to his friends the Greeks, and especially to Plutarch. From Thionville, where he was in garrison, he wrote frequently to his mother. A few of his letters to her at this period are printed in the collected edition of his works, and have much biographical interest. In one he gives an amusing. picture of his rage and humiliation at not being able to dance when invited to the wedding of one of the serjeants under him. In the spring of 1794, quitting Thionville he was engaged on more active service, and first saw war in the open field. To bivouac beside the cannon did not trouble him much, but to behold the havoc which the cannon made, and to wade in blood to the shedding of more, inspired him with a horror and disgust which probably were not common at a time of such great revolutionary excitement. He consoled himself by visiting whenever he could the ruined abbeys and the old castles on the banks of the Rhine. At the end of June 1795 he was employed in the army encamped before Mayence, and had just been named captain when he received the unexpected news of his father's death. This event produced so deep an impression on him that, thinking only of his mother's grief, and without obtaining leave, he immediately set out to comfort his bereaved parent, who was living near Luines. So palpable a violation of military discipline caused grave offence, and was only pardoned by the energetic_interference of Courier's friends. In September he was sent to the south of France, and at Toulouse, where he spent the years 1796 and 1797, his military duties, so monotonous and so mechanical, must

have been felt as a sort of disgrace, when all the world was admiring the glorious campaigns in Italy. At Toulouse, however, if he found no glory he found abundance of gaiety. He mingled in the fashionable amusements of the place, and, in order to be deficient in nothing becoming a man of pleasure, he learned to dance. He had so much good-humoured wit that he was exceedingly popular in society. He met also at Toulouse with an opportunity of continuing his classical studies. He became acquainted with a bookseller, M. Chlewaski, a Pole of profound erudition, and who had many tastes in common with Courier. They grew into intimate friends, and it was the custom of Courier after spending the day with Chlewaski, in learned conference and research, to repair in the evening to balls or to the theatre.

in

Courier left Toulouse in December, 1797, and, after a visit to his mother, and a residence in Paris, he was sent in the spring of 1798 to join the army Britany. Shortly afterwards he received orders to take the command of a company of artillery in Italy. This country, which he had long desired to see, he reached toward the end of the year. But his disappointment and sorrow were extreme as soon as he had passed the Alps. Italy was still beautiful; beautiful in its natural grandeur and picturesque aspect; beautiful in its monuments; beautiful in its memories. But the reckless oppression and the barbarous rapacity of the French, and the moral degradation and physical wretchedness of the Italians, combined to offer a spectacle which filled Courier with grief and indignation. Passing Milan, and traversing the Peninsula rapidly, he reached Rome. There, though engaged in very active service, he yet found time for his antiquarian and classical pursuits, for the indulgence of which Rome and its vicinity offered a field so various and so interesting; and, indeed, his adventures as a scholar often exposed him to more danger than his occupation as a soldier. The Italians, especially the peasants, considered that they could not perform any holier duty than assassinating the French. This was done most easily when any Frenchman, either by accident or to gratify curiosity, was sepa

As soon

rated from his companions; but, at the risk of assassination, Courier boldly went unattended wherever there was an inscription to decipher or a ruin to examine; and if he escaped, as by a miracle, to-day, he went without hesitation to face the same perils on the morrow. Courier had arrived at Rome soon after the retreat of the Neapolitan army. The fortress of Civita Vecchia had been incited by the presence of the Neapolitans at Rome to raise the papal standard. But when they were gone it refused to surrender to the French. It was resolved therefore to employ force. To this expedition, in February 1799, Courier was associated, having a charge of cannon. as he arrived he was sent with an officer of dragoons and a trumpeter to make a final summons to the inhabitants. When they were approaching the gate on horseback, he discovered that a roll of louis d'or had been lost through a hole in his pocket. He dismounted to seek for it, and after perceiving that his search was in vain, was just about to get on horseback when he heard a discharge of musketry and saw the trumpeter riding to him alone. The officer had been killed. Thus to the loss of his money Courier probably owed his life. Civita Vecchia soon after surrendered. On his return to Rome Courier resided with an old nobleman called Chiaramonte, who conceived for him a warm attachment. Macdonald having completed the conquest of Naples returned to the north of Italy. On his march thither he left at Rome six thousand troops under General Garnier. The division of the French army to which Courier was attached maintained its position for four months against the combined efforts of the insurgents, the Neapolitans, and the Austrians. It was at last compelled to capitulate on condition that the troops should be conveyed to France. On the 27th September the French retired from Rome. Courier, who had spent many a delightful day in the library of the Vatican, wished to pay it a farewell visit. He did not leave it till the night, and then he found that the troops were all gone, and that he was the only Frenchman remaining in the city. He was recognised by the light of a lamp which was burning be

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