so sincerely, for the support of the Established Church in both these kingdoms. It is a great link towards holding fast the connection of religion with the state; and for keeping these two islands, in their present critical independence of constitution, in a close connection of opinion and affection. I wish it well, as the religion of the greater number of the primary land-proprietors of the kingdom, with whom all establishments of church and state, for strong political reasons, ought in my opinion to be firmly connected. I wish it well, because it is more closely combined than any other of the church systems with the crown, which is the stay of the mixed constitution; because it is, as things now stand, the sole connecting political principal between the constitutions of the two independent kingdoms. I have another, and infinitely a stronger, reason for wishing it well; it is, that in the present time I consider it as one of the main pillars of the Christian religion itself. The body and substance of every religion I regard much more than any of the forms and dogmas of the particular sects. Its fall would leave a

great void, which nothing else, of which I can form any distinct idea, might fill. I respect the Catholick hierarchy, and the Presbyterian republick. But I know that the hope or the fear of establishing either of thera is, in these kingdoms, equally chimerical, even if I preferred one or the other of them to the establishment, which certainly I do not.'

Towards the close of this letter to his son, Mr. Burke loses his temper, and forgets the obligations recently conferred on him by the British government, which he here treats with as little ceremony as he is accustomed to bestow on the Jacobins. The natale solum takes entire possesion of his mind, he is all over the Irishman, and is alive only to his country's wrongs. He reminds Britain of her delinquencies in past times, and sets before her the dreadful list of her successive confiscations, the inheritances under which he pronounces to be tristes et luctuosæ successiones.

We cannot help pausing here, in order to observe how singular it is that, according to Mr. Burke, in this country, in America, and in Ireland, in all state-commotions, it is the government which is in fault, it is mis-government which occasions public disturbances; while the subjects have invariably right on their side, and, in resisting authority, act only a becoming and laudable part. Yet in France the case is directly the reverse; there, the government is always immaculate, and the rulers never give provocation, but the subjects are guilty of wanton rebellion, and have not even pretences to excuse or palliate their disaffection; their governors may compel subjection by force; and it is even the duty of surrounding states to assist in inflicting on them exemplary chastisement. If such were the duty of surrounding states towards France in the days REV. APRIL, 1815.

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of her Revolution, why was it not their duty to co-operate with Britain in reducing Mr. Burke's favourites, the American insurgents? To this difficulty, and others of a similar sort, • Mr. Burke never deems it proper to advert.

Although we do not agree with much that is contained in extracts which are given in this collection (Vol. x.) from certain of Mr. Burke's speeches in parliament, we still set a high value on these fragments, and deem them intitled to most serious consideration; they are ingenious, logical, and dispassionate; in every respect forming a contrast with his writings on French affairs. So admirable also are his observations on dramatic performances, which follow, that we are sure every lover of polite literature will regret that he did not write more on the same topic; and his Abridgment of English History' deserves high praise. Down to the close of the reign of William the Conqueror, it far exceeds, in our judgment, any of our compilations; and the narrative, although very concise, contains numerous observations which are worthy of the author, and which throw the greatest light on the subject. We could wish that, to this period, the abridgment were published in a separate form, to be put into the hands of youth.

The two concluding posthumous volumes relate solely to the affairs of India. We never contemplate this class of Mr. Burke's labours without feeling for him the highest veneration. They were indeed those on which he valued himself the most, and bestowed by far the largest portion of his time and exertions. To us they appear to be the greatest and most important that ever were performed by an individual for his country. In order to draw public attention to the enormities practised in our newly acquired territories in the East, where, under the pretence of governing, robbery and extortion and every species of oppression were practised, to place these afflicting scenes fully in our view, to interest British sensibility in the calamities of India, and cause British tears to be shed over the sufferings of its unprotected inhabitants, was a task truly worthy of his eloquence and of the ascendancy over the public mind which his talents had acquired for him. How worthy of admiration were the undaunted spirit, firmness, and perseverance, which undertook in those remote climes to temper lawless dominion with equity, to render accountable those rulers who seemed out of the reach of controul, to confine unlimited power within the rules of justice, and to reduce the colossal system of oppression under which India had so long groaned! Yet this is not all. In his pages are contained the strongest motives to induce an

imitation of his own great labours; from him we learn that the strength and permanence of states depend on their observance of justice; and by him we are assured that a wise and paternal administration pervading the entire mass, as well the remotest dependencies as the metropolis itself, can alone render them secure. He insists that oppression cannot be practised in the most distant subject-region, without danger to the mother-country; while he maintains that, if the rights of any such colony are protected, the good government of the parent-state is in proportion strengthened.

Although, then, the demerits of Mr. Burke are great and aggravated, let us not forget that his services are such as cannot easily be paralleled. If we have seen him wage fierce hostilities against liberty, and aim his mighty blows at the cause of the people, be it remembered that this sacrilege was attempted at the close of a life which had been devoted to promote the best interests of the state; during which he had been the zealous asserter of freedom, the steady friend of popular rights, the supporter of liberal maxims, the vigilant and jealous guardian of the constitution, the powerful assailant of western oppression, the undaunted prosecutor of eastern delinquency, and the unalterable friend of Ireland and of religious liberty. We own that, bearing in mind the multitude of his services, we feel urged by an irresistible impulse to assign him a rank among the most distinguished friends of humanity, and the first benefactors of his native land. Let us recollect that other splendid characters have been sullied by great blots, and yet posterity has deemed it but just, in consideration of their extraordinary, merits, to overlook their offences. The illustrious ATHENIAN statesman received a bribe; yet, whenever he presents himself to our recollection, we think only of the matchless orator and the faithful friend of his country. The incomparable MORE, in his later days, became a persecutor, and is said with his own hands to have inflicted torture; yet with his bright name we never associate this odious feature, but, whenever his image is called forth in our minds, the fine genius, the consummate scholar, the upright judge, the man of unbending integrity and sublime virtue, the boast of his nation and the ornament of his age, engages our attention and fills our thoughts. CRANMER apostatized, but he never occurs to us otherwise than as the father of our Reformation, the zealous friend and the indefatigable follower of truth. To a similar courtesy, the memory of no man is more intitled than that of Edmund Burke.

We cannot dismiss this article without expressing our hope that it may not be long before the right reverend editor redeems

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his promise of sending forth the remaining works of his author, and of giving an account of his life.

* It may not be unacceptable to our readers, if we subjoin a complete list of Mr. Burke's works, here collected, with references to the accounts of them in the several volumes of our Review.

(VOL. I.) Vindication of Natural Society, 1756. M. Rev. Vol. xvi. P. 473.-Inquiry into the Sublime, 1757. M. R. Vol. xvi. p. 473.(VOL. II.) Short Account of a Short Administration, 1766. M. R. Vol. xxxv. p. 160. Observations on the State of the Nation, 1769. M. R. Vol. xl. pp. 143. 191. Thoughts on the Causes of Discon tents, 1770. M. R. Vol. xlii. p. 379.- Speech on American Taxation, 1774. M. R. Vol. lii. p. 78.-(VOL. III.) Speeches at Bristol, 1774. M. R. Vol. li. p. 394.· Speeches on Conciliation with America, March 1775. M. R. Vols. lii. p. 543. and lini. P. 73. - Letter on the Affairs of America, 1777. M. R. Vol. lvi. p. 467.-Two Letters on the Trade of Ireland, 1778. M. R. Vol. Iviii. p. 390.Speech on the Independence of Parliament and Economical Reform, Feb. 1780. M. R. Vol. lxii. p. 241. Speeches at Bristol, 1780. M. R. Vol. lxiii. p. 385.-(VOL. IV.) Speech on the East-IndiaBill, 1783. M. R. Vol. Ixx. p. 152. - Representation to his Majesty, 1784. (New.)-Speech on the Debts of the Nabob of Arcot, and Appendix to Do. 1785. M. R. Vol. lxxiii. p. 462. — (VOL. V.) Speech on the Army-Estimates, 1790. M. R. N. S. Vol. i. p. 447.Reflections on the French Revolution, 1790. M. R. Vol. iii. pp. 313. 438.-(VOL. VI.) Letter to a Member of the National Assembly, 1791. M. R. Vol. v. p. 319. Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, 1791. M. R. Vol. vi. p. 296.- Letter to a Peer of Ireland, 1782. (New.)- Letter to Sir H. Langrishe, 1792. M. R. Vol. vii. P. 441. (VOL. VII.) Hints for a Memorial to Monsieur M.1791. M. R. Vol. xxv. p. 80.-Thoughts on French Affairs, 1791. M. R. Ib. P. 82.- Heads for Consideration on present Affairs, 1792. New.) Remarks on the Policy of the Allies, 1792. M. R. Ib. P. 83. Observations on the Conduct of the Minority, in a Letter to the Duke of Portland, 1793. M. R. Vols. xxii. p. 223. and xxv, p. 87.-Preface to Brissot's Address to his Constituents, translated, and Appendix. (New.)- Letter to W. Elliot, Esq. on the Duke of Bedford's Speech, 1795. M. R. Vol. xxv. p. 87. Thoughts on Scarcity, 1795. M. R. Vol. xxxiii. p. 329. (VOL. VIII.) Letter to a Noble Lord, 1796. M. R. Vol. xix. p. 314. Letters on a Regiside Peace, 1796. M. R. Vols. xxi. pp. 306. 430. and xxv. p. 89.The contents of VOLS. IX. X. XI. and XII. are stated in the foregoing article.

We find also in our pages an account of some productions of Mr. Burke's pen which are not (we believe) included in this edition; viz. Letter from a Gentleman in the House of Commons, 1780, M. R. Vol. 1xii. p. 485., ascribed to Mr. B. by the editor, and by the Reviewer; Two Letters, on the French Revolution, M. R. Vol. v. New Series, p. 348.;- Speech in Parliament, 2zd May 1794, in Answer to Observations on the Report of the Committee of Managers, M. R. Vol. xiv. N. S. p. 229.

ART.

ART. II. Transactions of the Society, instituted at London, for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce; with Premiums offered in the Year 1812. Vol. XXX. 8vo. pp. 300. Ios. 6d. Boards. White, Cadell and Davies, &c. 1813.

IF

F we have been rather tardy in announcing the appearance of this volume, the delay has not arisen from any change of opinion respecting the utility of the Society. No institution in this or any other country has been more instrumental in augmenting the scope of human power by various kinds of machinery, or in promoting the improvement of the peaceful arts of the civilized state. Though other societies may be more celebrated for depth of scientific and philosophical re search, this stands distinguished for the multiplicity of its practical benefits; and its notices under each class are often highly interesting to persons in the general walks of life. Exertions which would not otherwise have been made are stimulated by its proferred rewards; and we are never presented with a volume of its Transactions without perceiving that agriculture and the arts, manufactures and trade, are to a certain extent aided by its patronage. We have pleasure therefore in being able to report, from the evidence before us, that this Society continues in a flourishing state.

The papers of which we are proceeding to give some account are arranged in the usual way, and introduced by a preface from the pen of the secretary, containing a summary view of the contents of the volume; as also by a list of premiums for useful inventions, discoveries, and improvements. This list includes upwards of 200 articles, in which rewards are held out for the attainment of certain specific objects; and the Society concludes with observing that, in pursuing its plan, it has already expended above fifty thousand pounds, advanced by voluntary subscription of its members, and legacies-bequeathed. Such statements are highly creditable to this country; and perhaps we may assert, without the risk of contradiction, that in no other is so much public good effected by funds obtained from spontaneous contribution.

The class of AGRICULTURE contains several papers, the first of which, (honoured with the gold medal,) comes from that spirited and intelligent planter Dr. Ainslie, of Dover-street, whose communications to the Society we have noticed in preceding volumes. He here not only specifies the result of Additions which have been made to his former Plantations, at Grizedale in Lancashire, (viz. 151,240 forest-trees,) and presents us with the grand total of forest-trees planted by him, viz. 378,563, but also offers some very valuable remarks on the necessity of bold and repeated thinnings. No man,'

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