SENATE.] own." But Britain had, in fact, done us no essential injury; the country, to the recorded opinions and acts of public that she was "the bulwark of our religion;" that where assemblies, to the declaration and acknowledgments, since "she took one of our ships, she protected twenty;" and made, of the Executive and Legislature of Massachusetts that, if Great Britain had impressed a few of our seamen, herself.* it was because "she could not distinguish them from her Sir, the time has not been allowed me to trace this subAnd so far did this spirit extend, that a committee ject through, even if I had been disposed to do so. of the Massachusetts Legislature actually fell to calculation, I cannot refrain from referring to one or two documents and discovered, to their infinite satisfaction, but to the as-which have fallen in my way since this debate began. I tonishment of all the world beside, that only eleven Mas- read, sir, from the Olive Branch of Mathew Carey, in sachusetts sailors had ever been impressed. Never shall which are collected "the actings and doings" of the I forget the appeals that had been made to the sympathics peace party of New England, during the continuance of of the South, in behalf of the "thousands of impressed the embargo and the war. I know the Senator from Americans" who had been torn from their families and Massachusetts will respect the high authority of his politifriends, and "immured in the floating dungeons of Bri-cal friend and fellow laborer in the great cause of "dotain." The most touching pictures were drawn of the mestic industry." hard condition of the American sailor, "treated like a In page 301, et seq. 9 of this work, is a detailed account slave," forced to fight the battles of his enemies, "lashed of the measures adopted in Massachusetts during the war, to the mast to be shot at like a dog." But, sir, the very for the express purpose of embarrassing the financial opemoment we had taken up arms in their defence, it was rations of the Government, by preventing loans, and therediscovered that all these were mere "fictions of the by driving our rulers from their seats, and forcing the brain," and that the whole number of the State of Mas-country into a dishonorable peace. It appears that the sachusetts was but eleven; and that even these had been Boston banks commenced an operation by which a run "taken by mistake." Wonderful discovery! The Se-was to be made upon all the banks to the South; at the cretary of State had collected authentic lists of no less same time stopping their own discounts, the effect of than six thousand impressed Americans. Lord Castle-which was to produce a sudden and most alarming dimireagh himself acknowledged sixteen hundred. Calculations nution of the circulating medium, and universal distress on the basis of the number found on board of the Guer-over the whole country-a distress which they failed not riere, the Macedonian, the Java, and other British ships, to attribute to the "unholy war." (captured by the skill and gallantry of those heroes To such an extent was this system carried, that it apwhose achievements are the treasured monuments of their pears from a statement of the condition of the Boston banks, country's glory) fixed the number at seven thousand; made up in January, 1814, that with nearly five millions and yet, it seems, Massachusetts had lost but eleven! dollars of specie in their vaults, they had but two millions Eleven Massachusetts sailors taken by mistake! A cause of dollars of bills in circulation. It is added by Carey, that of war, indeed! Their ships, too, the capture of which at this very time an extensive trade was carried on in Brihad threatened "universal bankruptcy," it was discovered tish Government bills, for which specie was sent to Canada, that Great Britain was their friend and protector; "where for the payment of the British troops then laying waste she had taken one, she had protected twenty." Then our Northern frontier, and this too at the very moment was the discovery made, that subserviency to France, hos- when New England ships, sailing under British licences, tility to commerce, "a determination on the part of the (a trade declared to be lawful by the courts both of Great South and the West to break down the Eastern States," and Britain and Massachusetts) were supplying with proviespecially, (as reported by a committee of the Massachu- sions those very armies destined for the invasion of our setts Legislature,) "to force the sons of commerce to popu- own shores. Sir, the author of the Olive Branch, with a late the wilderness," were the true causes of the war. But holy indignation, denounces these acts as "treasonable!" let us look a little further into the conduct of the peace party of New England, at that important crisis. Whatever difference of opinion might have existed as to the causes of the war, the country had a right to expect that, when once involved in the contest, all America would have cordially united in its support. Sir, the war effected, in its progress, a union of all parties at the South. But not so in New England; there, great efforts were made to stir When I look at the measures adopted in Boston at that up the minds of the people to oppose it. Nothing was day, to deprive the Government of the necessary means left undone to embarrass the financial operations of the for carrying on the war, and think of the success and the Government, to prevent the enlistment of troops, to keep consequences of these measures, I feel my pride as an back the men and money of New England from the ser I shall not fol "giving aid and comfort to the enemy." vice of the Union, to force the President from his scat. In answer to an address of Governor Eustis, denouncing the conYes, sir, "the Island of Elba! or a halter!" were the al-duct of the peace party, during the war, the House of Representatives ternatives they presented to the excellent and venerable of Massachusetts, in June, 1823, says: "The change of the political James Madison. Sir, the war was further opposed by history of our Commonwealth. It is the triumph of reason over pasopenly carrying on illicit trade with the enemy, by per-sion, of patriotism over party spirit. Massachusetts has returned to We rejoice sentiment evinced in the late elections forms indeed a new eia in the believe that there are cases, when it is necessary we should wound mitting that enemy to establish herself on the very soil of her first love, and no longer a stranger in the Union, that, though, during the last war, such measures were adopted this Massachusetts, and by opening a free trade between Great State, as occasioned double sacrifice of treasure and of life; covered Britain and America, with a separate custom house. Yes, the friends of the nation with humitation and mourning, and fixed a sir, those who cannot endure the thought that we should to take away our reproach, and restore to us our good name, our tank stain on the page of our history; a redeeming spirit has at length arisen insist on a free trade in time of profound peace, could among our sister States, and our just influence in the Union. without scruple claim and exercise the right of carrying "Though we would not renew contentions, or irritate wantonly, we on a free trade with the enemy in a time of war; and, fi- to heal. And we consider it among the first duties of the friends of nally, by getting up the renowned "Hartford Conven- our National Government, on this return of power, to disavow the untion," and preparing the way for an open resistance to warrantable course pursued by this State during the late war; and to hold up the measures of that period as beacons, that the present and the Government, and a separation of the States. Sir, if succeeding generations may shon that career which must inevitably I am asked for the proof of those things, I fearlessly ap-terminate in the destruction of the individual, or the party who pursues it; and may learn the important lesson that, in all times, peal to cotemporary history, to the public documents of the path of duty is the path of safety; and that it is never dangereus "Olive Branch, pages 134, 291. to rally around the standard of our country."- Note by Mr. H. +2d Dodson's Admiralty Reports, 48,-13th Mass, Reports, 26. JAN. 25, 1830.] American humbled in the dust. Hear, sir, the language stroy them at pleasure.”* Sir, in 1814, all these topics of that day; I read from pages 301 and 302 of the Olive were revived. Again we heard of " a Northern ConfedeBranch: "Let no man who wishes to continue the war, racy." "The slave States by themselves;" "the mounby active means, by vote or lending money, dare to tains are the natural boundary;" we want neither "the counprostrate himself at the altar on the fast day." "Will sels nor the power of the West," &c. &c. The papers federalists subscribe to the loan? Will they lend money teemed with accusations against the South and the West, to our national rulers? It is impossible. First, because and the calls for a dissolution of all connexion with them of the principle, and secondly, because of principal and were loud and strong. I cannot consent to go through the interest." "Do not prevent the abusers of their trust disgusting details. But to show the height to which the from becoming bankrupt. Do not prevent them from spirit of disaffection was carried, I will take you to the tembecoming odious to the public, and being replaced by ple of the living God, and show you that sacred place better men." "Any federalist who lends money to Go- (which should be devoted to the extension of “ peace on vernment, must go and shake hands with James Madi-earth and good will towards men, ," where "one day's truce son, and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy. [I beg ought surely to be allowed to the dissensions and animosipardon of my honorable friend from Tennessee; but he is ties of mankind") converted into a fierce arena of political in good company. I had thought it was 'James Madison, strife, where, from the lips of the priest standing between Felix Grundy, and the Devil.'] Let him no more call the horns of the altar, there went forth the most terrible himself a federalist, and a friend to his country; he will denunciations against all who should be true to their counbe called by others, infamous," &c. try, in the hour of her utmost need. وو Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. "If you do not wish," said a reverend clergyman, in a Such was the effect produced by them on the public mind, sermon preached in Boston, on the 23d July, 1812, "to that the very agents of the Government (as appears become the slaves of those who own slaves, and who are from their public advertisements, now before me) could themselves the slaves of French slaves, you must either, not obtain loans, without a pledge that "the names of the in the language of the day, cut the connexion, or so far alsubscribers should not be known." Here are the adver- ter the national compact as to ensure to yourselves a due tisements: "The names of all subscribers (say Gilbert and share in the Government.' (Olive Branch, page 319.) Dean, the brokers employed by Government) shall be "The Union," says the same writer, (page 320) "has been known only to the undersigned." As if those who came long since virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this forward to aid their country in the hour of her utmost part of the disunited States should take care of itself." need, were engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, they Another reverend gentleman, pastor of a church at Medwere assured that their names should not be known." ford, (page 321) issues his anathema--"let him stand acCan any thing show more conclusively the unhappy state cursed"--against all, all, who by their "personal services," of public feeling which prevailed at that day, than this sin- or loans of money," " conversation," or "writing," or gle fact? Of the same character with these measures was "influence," give countenance or support to the unrighthe conduct of Massachusetts, in withholding her militia teous war, in the following terms: "that man is an accomfrom the service of the United States, and devising mea- plice in the wickedness; he loads his conscience with the sures for withdrawing her quota of the taxes, thereby at- blackest crimes; he brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, tempting, not merely to cripple the resources of the coun- and in the sight of God and his law he is a murderer!" try, but actually depriving the Government (as far as de- One or two more quotations, sir, and I shall have done. pended upon her) of all the means of carrying on the war: A reverend doctor of divinity, the pastor of a church at of the bone, and muscle, and sinews of war-" of man Byefield, Massachusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, thus adand steel-the soldier and his sword." But it seems Mas- dresses his flock [321.] "The Israclites became weary of sachusetts was to reserve her resources for herself; she yeilding the fruit of their labor to pamper their splendid was to defend and protect her own shores. And how was tyrants. They left their political woes. They separated; that duty performed? In some places on the coast neu- where is our Moses? Where the rod of his miracles? trality was declared, and the enemy was suffered to invade Where is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the burning the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her ter- bush has directed them here." 66 ritory, until the peace, without one effort to rescue it from "We must trample on the mandates of despotism, or rehis grasp. Nay, more, while our own Government and mains slaves forever." [P. 322.] "You must drag the our rulers were considered as enemies, the troops of the chains of Virginian despotism, unless you discover some enemy were treated like friends; the most intimate com- other mode of escape." "Those Western States, which mercial relations were established with them, and main-have been violent for this abominable war, those States tained up to the peace. At this dark period of our nation- which have thirsted for blood-God has given them blood al affairs, where was the Senator from Massachusetts? How to drink." [323.]- -Sir, I can go no further. The records were his political associates employed? "Calculating the of the day are full of such sentiments, issued from value of the Union?" Yes, sir, that was the propitious mo- the press, spoken in public assemblies, poured out from ment, when our country stood alone, the last hope of the the sacred desk! God forbid, sir, that I should charge world, struggling for her existence against the colossal the people of Massachusetts with participating in these power of Great Britain, "concentrated in one mighty effort sentiments. The South and the West had there, their to crush us at a blow"-that was the chosen hour to revive friends-men who stood by their country, though encomthe grand scheme of building up "a great Northern Con- passed all around by their enemies. The Senator from federacy"--a scheme, which, it is stated in the work be- Massachusetts [Mr. SILSBEE] was one of them, the Senfore me, had its origin as far back as the year 1796, and ator from Connecticut [Mr. Foor] was another, and which appears never to have been entirely abandoned. In there are others now on this floor. The sentiments I the language of the writers of that day, (1796) "rather have read were the sentiments of a party embracing the than have a constitution such as the anti-Federalists were political associates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. contending for, [such as we now are contending for] the if they could only be found in the columns of a newspaUnion ought to be dissolved;" and to prepare the way for per, in a few occasional pamphlets, issued by men of inthat measure, the same methods were resorted to then, temperate feeling, I should not consider them as affording that have always been relied on for that purpose-exciting any evidence of the opinions even of the peace party of prejudice against the South. Yes, sir, our Northern bre- New England. But, sir, they were the common language thren were then told "that, if the negroes were good for food, their Southern masters would claim the right to de Olive Branch, p. 267. SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [JAN. 25, 1830. of that day; they pervaded the whole land; they were is- make a descent, which it was supposed we had no means sued from the legislative hall, from the pulpit, and the of resisting. In this awful state of our public affairs, press. Our books are full of them; and there is no man when the Government seemed almost to be tottering on its who now hears me, but knows, that they were the senti- base, when Great Britain, relieved from all her other enements of a party, by whose members they were promul- mies, had proclaimed her purpose of "reducing us to ungated. Indeed, no evidence of this would seem to be re- conditional submission," we beheld the peace party of quired, beyond the fact that such sentiments found their New England (in the language of the work before us) way even into the pulpits of New England. What must pursuing a course calculated to do more injury to their be the state of public opinion, where any respectable country, and to render England more effective service, clergyman would venture to preach and to print sermons than all her armies." Those who could not find it in their containing the sentiments I have quoted? I doubt not the hearts to rejoice at our victories, sang te deum at the piety or moral worth of these gentlemen. I am told they King's Chapel in Boston, for the restoration of the Bourwere respectable and pious men. But they were men, bons. Those who could not consent to illuminate their and they kindled in a common blaze." And now, sir, dwellings for the capture of the Guerriere, could give I must be suffered to remark, that, at this awful and me- vis ble tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The “bealancholy period of our national history, the gentleman con fires" of their hills were lighted up, not for the enfrom Massachusetts, who now manifests so great a devo-couragement of their friends, but as signals to the enemy; tion to the Union, and so much anxiety lest it should be and in the gloomy hours of midnight, the very lights burnendangered from the South, was "with his brethren in Is-ed blue. Such were the dark and portentous signs of the He saw all these things passing before his eyes-times, which ushered into being the renowned Hartford he heard these sentiments uttered all around him. I do Convention. That convention met, and from their pronot charge that gentleman with any participation in ceedings it appears that their chief object was to keep these acts, or with approving of these sentiments; but back the men and money of New England from the serI will ask why, if he was animated by the same sen-vice of the Union, and to effect radical changes in the Gotiments then, which he now professes, if he can augur vernment; changes that can never be effected without disunion at a distance, and snuff up rebellion in every a dissolution of the Union. racl." It is unnecessary to trace the matter farther, or to ask tainted breeze," why he did not, at that day, exert his Let us now, sir, look at their proceedings. I read from great talents and acknowledged influence with the poli-"A short account of the Hartford Convention," (written tical associates by whom he was surrounded, (and who by one of its members) a very rare book, of which I was then, as now, looked up to him for guidance and direction) fortunate enough a few years ago to obtain a copy. [Here in allaying this general excitement, in pointing out to his Mr. H. read from the proceedings.*] deluded friends the value of the Union, in instructing them, that, instead of looking to some prophet to lead them out from the land of Egypt," they should become It appears at p. 6, of "The Account," that by a vote of the House reconciled to their brethren, and unite with them in the of Representatives of Massachusetts [260 to 90] delegates to this consupport of a just and necessary war? Sir, the gentleman their public grievances and concerns, vention were ordered to be appointed to consult upon the subj et “of ," and upon the best means of must excuse me for saying, that, if the records of our coun-preserving their resources," and for procuring a revision of the contry afforded any evidence that he had pursued such a stitution of the United States, more eff. ctually to secure the support course, then; if we could find it recorded in the history of attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fair those times, that, like the immortal Dexter, he had breast- The convention assembled at Hartford, on the 15th December, 1814. ed that mighty torrent which was sweeping before it all On the next day it was that was great and valuable in our political institutions; if like him he had stood by his country in opposition to his party; sir, we would, like little children, listen to his cepts and abide by his counsels. pre representation." Resolved, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each member of this convention, including the Secretary, as to all propo sitions, debates, and proceedings thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or altered. On the 24th December, the committee appointed to prepare and report a general project of such measures as may be proper for the convention to adopt, reported, among other things: States," As soon as the public mind was sufficiently prepared for the measure, the celebrated Hartford Convention was States, the adoption of the most effectual and decisive measures to "1. That it was expedient to recommend to the Legislatures of the got up; not as the act of a few unauthorized individuals, protect the militia and the States from the usurpations contained in but by authority of the Legislature of Massachusetts; and, these proceedings." [The proceedings of Congress and the Executive in relation to the Militia and the War.] as has been shown by the able historian of that conven- "2. That it was expedient also to prepare a statement exhibiting the tion, in accordance with the views and wishes of the par-necessity which the improvidence and inability of the General Goty, of which it was the organ. Now, sir, I do not desire vernment have imposed upon the States of providing for their own de fence, and the impessibility of their discharging this duty, and at the to call in question the motives of the gentlemen who com- same time fulfiling the requisitions of the General Government, and posed that assembly: I know many of them to be in pri-also to recommend to the Legislatures of the several States to make vate life accomplished and honorable men, and I doubt not the Government of the United States, with a view to some arrangeprovision for mutual defence, and to make an earnest application to there were some among them who did not perceive the ment whereby the States may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxdangerous tendency of their proceedings. I will even goes levied by Congress, for the purposes of self-defence, and for the further, and say, that, if the authors of the Hartford Con-reimbursement of expenses already incurred on account of the United vention believed that " gross, deliberate, and palpable 3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several State Legisviolations of the constitution" had taken place, utterly latures certam amendments to the constitution, viz: destructive of their rights and interests, I should be the last United States be restricted. That the power to declare or make war by the Congress of the man to deny their right to resort to any constitutional measures for redress. But, sir, in any view of the case, the time when, and the circumstances under which, that That an amendment be proposed respecting slave representation convention assembled, as well as the measures recom-and slave taxation.' mended, render their conduct, in my opinion, wholly in-naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, or profit, ought to On the 19th December, 1814, it was proposed "that the capacity of defensible. Let us contemplate, for a moment, the spec-be restramed," &c. tacle then exhibited to the view of the world. I will not that the report of the committee was adopted, and also a recommengo over the disasters of the war, nor describe the difficul-dation of certain measures (of the character of which we are not inties in which the Government was involved. It will be formed) to the States for their mutual defence, and having voted that recollected that its credit was nearly gone; Washington the injunction of secrecy, in regard to all the debates and proceedings of the convention (except so far as relates to the report finally had fallen; the whole coast was blockaded; and an im-adopted) be continued," the convention adjourned sine die, but (as it incnse force, collected in the West Indies, was about to was supposed) to meet again when circumstances should require it.Note by Mr. H. That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restraining admit them into the Union. Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new States and The subsequent proceedings are not given at large. But it seems JAN. 25, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. And what would have been the next chapter in this history, if their history. But this opens with a vast accession of the measures recommended had been carried into effect; strength from their younger recruits, who having nothing and if, with the men and money of New England with- in them of the feelings and principles of '76, now look to held from the Government of the United States, she had a single and splendid Government, &c., riding and ruling been withdrawn from the war; if New Orleans had fallen over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry." into the hands of the enemy; and if, without troops, and—(4 vol. 419, 422.) almost destitute of money, the Southern and the Western The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of that history, is States had been thrown upon their own resources for the to be found in the conduct of those who are endeavoring prosecution of the war, and the recovery of New Orleans' to bring about consolidation: ay, sir, that very consolidaSir, whatever may have been the issue of the contest, the tion for which the gentleman from Massachusetts is conUnion must have been dissolved. But a wise and just tending-the exercise, by the Federal Government, of Providence, which "shapes our ends, rough-hew them as powers not delegated in relation to "internal improvewe will," gave us the victory, and crowned our efforts ments," and "the protection of manufactures." with a glorious peace. The ambassadors of Hartford why, sir, does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation as leadwere seen retracing their steps from Washington, "the ing directly to disunion? Because he knew that the exerbearers of the glad tidings of great joy." Courage and cise by the Federal Government, of the powers contendpatriotism triumphed; the country was saved; the Union ed for, would make this "a Government without limita was preserved. And are we, who stood by our coun- tion of powers," the submission to which he considered as try then; who threw open our coffers; who bared our a greater evil than disunion itself. There is one chapter bosoms; who freely periled all in that conflict, to be in this history, however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filreproached with want of attachment to the Union? led up, and I must therefore supply the deficiency. It is If, sir, we are to have lessons of patriotism read to us, to be found in the protest made by New England against they must come from a different quarter. The Senator the acquisition of Louisiana. In relation to that subject from Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive on all subjects the New England doctrine is thus laid down by one of her connected with the Union, seems to have a memory for- learned political doctors of that day, now a doctor of laws, getful of the political events that have passed away. I at the head of the great literary institution of the East-I must, therefore, refresh his recollection a little farther on mean Josiah Quincy, President of Harvard College. I these subjects. The history of disunion has been writ-quote from the speech delivered by that gentleman on the ten by one, whose authority stands too high with the Ame-floor of Congress, on the occasion of the admission of Louirican people to be questioned-I mean Thomas Jefferson. siana into the Union. I know not how the gentleman may receive this authority. "Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a remark he had When that great and good man occupied the presidential made, which, to save all misapprehension, he had comchair, I believe he commanded no portion of that gentle-mitted to writing, in the following words: If this bill passman's respect. es, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a disso I hold in my hand a celebrated pamphlet on the embar-lution of the Union; that it will free the States from their go, in which language is held in relation to Mr. Jefferson, moral obligation; and as it will be the right of all, so it which my respect for his memory will prevent me from will be the duty of some, to prepare for a separation, reading, unless any gentleman should call for it. But the amicably if they can, violently if they must." Senator from Massachusetts has since joined in singing I wish it to be distinctly understood [said Mr. H.] that all hosannas to his name; he has assisted at his apotheosis, the remarks I have made on this subject, are intended to and has fixed him as a brilliant star in the clear upper be exclusively applied to a party, which I have described as sky;" I hope, therefore, he is now prepared to receive the peace party of New England"-embracing the powith deference and respect the high authority of Mr. Jef- litical associates of the Senator from Massachusetts-a ferson. In the fourth volume of his memoirs, which party which controlled the operations of that State during has just issued from the press, we have the follow- the embargo and the war, and who are justly chargeing history of disunion, from the pen of that illustrious able with all the measures I have reprobated. Sir, nostatesman: "Mr. Adams called on me pending the embar- thing has been further from my thoughts than to impeach go, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal: the character or conduct of the people of New England. he spoke of the dissatisfaction of the Eastern portion of For their steady habits and hardy virtues, I trust I enterour confederacy with the restraints of the embargo then tain a becoming respect. I fully subscribe to the truth existing, and their restlessness under it. That there was of the description given before the Revolution, by one nothing which might not be attempted to rid themselves whose praise is the highest eulogy, "that the perseverof it. That he had information of the most unquestiona-ance of Holland, the activity of France, and the dexteble certainty, that certain citizens of the Eastern States, rous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, have been (I think he named Massachusetts particularly) were in more than equalled by this recent people."" Hardy, negotiation with agents of the British Government, the enterprising, sagacious, industrious, and moral, the peoobject of which was an agreement that the New England ple of New England of the present day, are worthy of States should take no further part in the war, [the com- their ancestors. Still less has it been my intention to mercial war, the "war of restrictions," as it was called] say any thing that could be construed into a want then going on, and that, without formally declaring their of respect for that party, who, trampling on all narseparation from the Union, they should withdraw from all row, sectional feelings, have been true to their principles aid and obedience to them, &c. From that moment [says Mr. in the worst of times-I mean the democracy of New EngJ.] I saw the necessity of abandoning it, [the embargo] and, land. instead of effecting our purpose by this peaceful weapon, Sir, I will declare that, highly as I appreciate the dewe must fight it out, or break the Union." In another mocracy of the South, I consider even higher praise to be letter Mr. Jefferson adds: "I doubt whether a single fact due to the democracy of New England-who have mainknown to the world will carry as clear conviction to tained their principles "through good and through evil it of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasona- report," who at every period of our national history have ble views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed stood up manfully for their country, their whole counby this the most nefarious and daring attempt to dissever try, and nothing but their country." In the great politithe Union, of which the Hartford Convention was a sub-cal revolution of '98, they were found united with the desequent chapter; and both of these having failed, consoli- mocracy of the South, marching under the banner of the dation becomes the fourth chapter of the next book of constitution, led on by the patriarch of liberty, in search SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [JAN. 25, 1830. of the land of political promise, which they lived not on-Report of '99. It will be recollected that the Legislaly to behold, but to possess and to enjoy. Again, sir, ture of Virginia, in December, '98, took into considerain the darkest and most gloomy period of the war, when tion the alien and sedition laws, then considered by all our country stood single handed, against "the conqueror Republicans as a gross violation of the constitution of the of the conquerors of the world," when all about and United States, and on that day passed, among others, the around them was dark, and dreary, disastrous and dis-following resolution: couraging, they stood a Spartan band in that narrow pass, "The General Assembly doth explicitly and perempwhere the honor of their country was to be defended, or torily declare, that it views the powers of the Federal to find its grave. And in the last great struggle, involv- Government, as resulting from the compact to which the ing, as we believe, the very existence of the principle of States are parties, as limited by the plain sense and inpopular sovereignty, where were the democracy of New tention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no England? Where they always have been found, sir, strug-further valid than they are authorized by the grants enugling side by side with their brethren of the South and merated in that compact; and that, in case of a deliberate, the West for popular rights, and assisting in that glorious palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not triumph by which the man of the people was elevated to granted by the said compact, the States who are parthe highest office in their gift. ties thereto have the right, and are in duty bound, to inWho, then, are the friends of the Union? [asked Mr. H.] terpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for Those who would confine the Federal Government strictly maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, within the limits prescribed by the constitution; who rights, and liberties, appertaining to them." would preserve to the States and the People all powers| In addition to these resolutions, the General Assembly of not expressly delegated; who would make this a Federal Virginia "appealed to the other States, in the confidence and not a National Union, and who, administering the Go- that they would concur with that Commonwealth that the vernment in a spirit of equal justice, would make it a acts aforesaid [the alien and sedition laws] are unconstitublessing, and not a curse. And who are its enemies? tional, and that the necessary and proper measures would Those who are in favor of consolidation; who are con-be taken by each for co-operating with Virginia in mainstantly stealing power from the States, and adding strength taining unimpaired the authorities, rights, and liberties, to the Federal Government. Who, assuming an unwar-reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people." rantable jurisdiction over the States and the People, un- The Legislatures of several of the New England States dertake to regulate the whole industry and capital of the having, contrary to the expectation of the Legislature of country. But, sir, of all description of men I consider Virginia, expressed their dissent from these doctrines, the those as the worst enemies of the Union, who sacrifice the subject came up again for consideration, during the sesequal rights which belong to every member of the Con- sion of 1799, 1800, when it was referred to a Select Comfederacy to combinations of interested majorities, for per-mittee, by whom was made that celebrated report which sonal or political objects. But the gentleman apprehends is familiarly known as "Madison's Report," and which deno evil from the dependence of the States on the Federal serves to last as long as the constitution itself. In that Government; he can see no danger of corruption from the report, which was subsequently adopted by the Legisla influence of money or of patronage. Sir, I know that it ture, the whole subject was deliberately re-examined, is supposed to be a wise saying "that patronage is a and the objections urged against the Virginia doctrines source of weakness," and in support of that maxim, it carefully considered. The result was, that the Legishas been said, that "every ten appointments make a hun- lature of Virginia re-affirmed all the principles laid down dred enemies." But I am rather inclined to think, with in the resolutions of 1798, and issued to the world that the eloquent and sagacious orator now reposing on his admirable report which has stamped the character of Mr. laurels on the banks of the Roanoke, that "the power of Madison as the preserver of that constitution which he had conferring favors creates a crowd of dependents;" he contributed so largely to create and establish. I will gave a forcible illustration of the truth of the remark, here quote, from Mr. Madison's report, one or two passawhen he told us of the effect of holding up the savory ges which bear more immediately on the point in contromorsel to the eager eyes of the hungry hounds gathered versy. "The resolution, having taken this view of the around his door. It mattered not whether the gift was federal compact, proceeds to infer that, in case of a debestowed on Towzer or Sweetlips, "Tray, Blanche, or liberate, palpable, and dangerous excrcise of other powSweetheart;" while held in suspense, they were all gov-ers, not granted by the said compact, the States, who are erned by a nod, and when the morsel was bestowed, the parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to expectation of the favors of to-morrow kept up the subjection of to-day. · interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits, the authorities, rights, and liberties, appertaining to them.' The Senator from Massachusetts, in denouncing what he is pleased to call the Carolina doctrine, has attempted to "It appears to your Committee to be a plain principle, throw ridicule upon the idea that a State has any constitu- founded on common sense, illustrated by common practional remedy, by the exercise of its sovereign authority, tice, and essential to the nature of compacts, that, where against "a gross, palpable, and deliberate violation of the resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority constitution." He calls it "an idle" or "a ridiculous of the parties, the parties themselves must be the rightful notion," or something to that effect, and added, it would judges, in the last resort, whether the bargain made has make the Union "a mere rope of sand." Now, sir, as been pursued or violated. The constitution of the United the gentleman has not condescended to enter into any ex-States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by amination of the question, and has been satisfied with each, in its sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability throwing the weight of his authority into the scale, I do and dignity, as well as to the authority of the constitunot deem it necessary to do more than to throw into the tion, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. opposite scale the authority on which South Carolina re- The States, then, being the partics to the constitutional lies, and there, for the present, I am perfectly willing to compact, and in their sovereign capacity, it follows, of neleave the controversy. The South Carolina doctrine, that cessity, that there can be no tribunal, above their authoris to say, the doctrine contained in an exposition reported ity, to decide, in the last resort, whether the compact by a Committee of the Legislature in December, 1828, made by them be violated; and, consequently, that, as and published by their authority, is the good old Repub-the parties to it, they must, themselves, decide, in the lican doctrine of '98; the doctrine of the celebrated last resort, such questions as may be of sufficient magni"Virginia Resolutions" of that year, and of "Madison's tude to require their interposition." |