JAN. 27, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

So, then, Internal Improvement is not one of the federal heresies. One paragraph more, sir:

Dur

supported by South Carolina votes. But for those votes, it is not always performed when it is promised. A gentlecould not have passed in the form in which it did pass; man, to whom I have already referred in this debate, had whereas, if it had depended on Massachusetts votes, it come into Congress during my absence from it, from would have been lost. Does not the honorable gentle-South Carolina, and had brought with him a high reputaman well know all this? There are certainly those who tion for ability. He came from a school with which we do, full well, know it all. I do not say this to reproach had been acquainted, et noscitur a sociis. I hold in my South Carolina. I only state the fact; and I think it will hand, sir, a printed speech of this distinguished gentleappear to be true, that, among the earliest and boldest ad- man, [Mr. McDUFFIE] "on Internal Improvements," devocates of the tariff, as a measure of protection, and on livered about the period to which I now refer, and printthe express ground of protection, were leading gentle-ed, with a few introductory remarks upon consolidation, men of South Carolina in Congress. I did not then, and in which, sir, I think he quite consolidated the arguments cannot now, understand their language in any other sense. of his opponents, the Radicals, if to crush be to consoliWhile this tariff of 1816 was under discussion, in the date. I give you a short but substantive quotation from House of Representatives, an honorable gentleman from these remarks. He is speaking of a pamphlet then reGeorgia, now of this House, [Mr. FORSYTH] moved to cently published, entitled "Consolidation;" and having reduce the proposed duty on cotton. He failed by four alluded to the question of renewing the charter of the votes, South Carolina giving three votes (enough to have former Bank of the United States, he says: "Moreover, turned the scale) against his motion. The act, sir, then in the early history of parties, and when Mr. Crawford adpassed, and received, on its passage, the support of a ma-vocated a renewal of the old charter, it was considered a jority of the Representatives of South Carolina present federal measure, which Internal Improvements never was, and voting. This act is the first in the order of those as this author erroneously states. This latter measure now denounced as plain usurpations. We see it daily, in originated in the administration of Mr. Jefferson, with the the list, by the side of those of 1824 and 1828, as a case appropriation for the Cumberland Road; and was first of manifest oppression, justifying disunion. I put it home proposed, as a system, by Mr. Calhoun, and carried to the honorable member from South Carolina, that his through the House of Representatives by a large majority own State was not only "art and part" in this measure, of the republicans, including almost every one of the leadbut the causa causans. Without her aid this seminal prin- ing men who carried us through the late war." ciple of mischief, this root of Upas, could not have been planted. I have already said, and it is true, that this act proceeded on the ground of protection. It interfered di- "The author in question, not content with denouncing rectly with existing interests of great value and amount. as federalists Gen. Jackson, Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and It cut up the Calcutta cotton trade by the roots, but it the majority of the South Carolina delegation in Congress, passed, nevertheless, and it passed on the principle of pro-modestly extends the denunciation to Mr. Monroe, and tecting manufactures, on the principle against free trade, on the whole republican party. Here are his words: the principle opposed to that which lets us alone. (Note 2.)ing the administration of Mr. Monroe, much has passed Such [said Mr. W.] were the opinions of important which the republican party would be glad to approve, if and leading gentlemen from South Carolina, on the sub- they could!! But the principal feature, and that which ject of Internal Improvement, in 1816. I went out of has chiefly elicited these observations, is the renewal of Congress the next year; and returning again, in 1823, the system of Internal Improvements.' Now this measure thought I found South Carolina where I had left her. I was adopted by a vote of 115 to 86, of a republican Conreally supposed that all things remained as they were,gress, and sanctioned by a republican President. Who, and that the South Carolina doctrine of Internal Improve- then, is this author, who assumes the high prerogative of ments would be defended by the same eloquent voices, denouncing, in the name of the republican party, the reand the same strong arms, as formerly. In the lapse of publican administration of the country? A denunciation these six years, it is true, political associations had as- including within its sweep Calhoun, Lowndes, and Cheves, sumed a new aspect, and new divisions. A party had men who will be regarded as the brightest ornaments of arisen in the South hostile to the doctrine of Internal Im- South Carolina, and the strongest pillars of the republiprovements, and had vigorously attacked that doctrine. can party, as long as the late war shall be remembered, Anti-consolidation was the flag under which this party and talents and patriotism shall be regarded as the proper fought; and its supporters inveighed against Internal Im- objects of the admiration and gratitude of a free people!" provements much after the manner in which the honora- Such are the opinions, sir, which were maintained by ble gentleman has now inveighed against them, as part South Carolina gentlemen, in the House of Representaand parcel of the system of consolidation. Whether this tives, on the subject of Internal Improvements, when I party arose in South Carolina herself, or in her neighbor- took my seat there, as a member from Massachusetts, in hood, is more than I know. I think the latter. Howev-1823. But this is not all. We had a bill before us, and er that may have been, there were those found in South passed it in that House, entitled “An act to procure the Carolina ready to make war upon it, and who did make necessary surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject intrepid war upon it. Names being regarded as things, of roads and canals." It authorized the President to in such controversies, they bestowed on the anti-im- cause surveys and estimates to be made of the routes of provement gentlemen the appellation of Radicals. Yes, such roads and canals as he might deem of national imsir, the name of Radicals, as a term of distinction, portance, in a commercial or military point of view, or applicable and applied to those who denied the libe- for the transportation of the mail, and appropriated thirty ral doctrines of Internal Improvements, originated, accord- thousand dollars, out of the treasury, to defray the exing to the best of my recollection, somewhere between pense. This act, though preliminary in its nature, coNorth Carolina and Georgia. Well, sir, these mischiev-vered the whole ground. It took for granted the complete ous Radicals were to be put down; and the strong arm of power of Internal Improvement, as far as any of its adSouth Carolina was stretched out to put them down. vocates had ever contended for it. Having passed the About this time, sir, I returned to Congress. The battle other House, the bill came up to the Senate, and was here with the Radicals had been fought, and our South Caro- considered and debated in April, 1824. The honorable lina champions of the doctrines of Internal Improvements member from South Carolina was a member of the Senate had nobly maintained their ground, and were understood at that time. While the bill was under consideration here, to have achieved a victory. They have driven back the a motion was made to add the following proviso: enemy with discomfiture--a thing, by the way, sir, which Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be con

66

.

strued to affirm or admit a power in Congress, on their own authority, to make roads or canals, within any of the States of the Union." The yeas and nays were taken on this proviso, and the honorable member voted in the negative! The proviso failed.

A motion was then made to add this proviso, viz: "Provided, That the faith of the United States is hereby pledged, that no money shall ever be expended for roads and canals, except it shall be among the several States, and in the same proportion as direct taxes are laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitution."

[JAN. 27, 1830.

of the debt, but, on the contrary, that I had always voted for every measure for its reduction, as uniformly as the gentleman himself. He seems to claim the exclusive merit of a disposition to reduce the public charge. I do not allow it to him. As a debt, I was, I am, for paying it, because it is a charge on our finances, and on the industry of the country. But I observed that I thought I perceived a morbid fervor on that subject-an excessive anxiety to pay off the debt, not so much because it is a debt simply, as because, while it remains, it furnishes one objection to disunion. It is a tie of common interest while The honorable member voted against this proviso, also, it lasts. I did not impute such motives to the honorable genand it failed. The bill was then put on its passage, and tleman himself, but that there is such a feeling in existence the honorable member voted for it, and it passed, and be-I have not a particle of doubt. The most I said was, that, came a law. if one effect of the debt was to strengthen our Union, that Now it strikes me, sir, that there is no maintaining effect itself was not regretted by me, however much these votes, but upon the power of Internal Improvement, others might regret it. The gentleman has not seen how in its broadest sense. In truth, these bills for surveys and to reply to this, otherwise than by supposing me to have estimates have always been considered as test questions: advanced the doctrine that a national debt is a national they show who is for and who against Internal Improve- blessing. Others, I must hope, will find less difficulty in ment. This law itself went the whole length, and assum-understanding me. I distinctly and pointedly cautioned ed the full and complete power. The gentleman's vote the honorable member not to understand me as expresssustained that power, in every form in which the various ing an opinion favorable to the continuance of the debt. propositions to amend presented it. He went for the en-I repeated this caution, and repeated it more than once; tire and unrestrained authority, without consulting the but it was thrown away. On yet another point, [said Mr. States, and without agreeing to any proportionate distri- W.] I was still more unaccountably misunderstood. bution. And now suffer me to remind you, that it is this The gentleman had harangued against "consolidation." very same power, thus sanctioned, in every form, by the I told him, in reply, that there was one kind of consolidagentleman's own opinion, that is now so plain and mani- tion to which I was attached, and that was the consolifest a usurpation, that the State of South Carolina is sup-dation of our Union; and that this was precisely that posed to be justified in refusing submission to any laws consolidation to which I feared others were not attached. carrying the power into effect. Truly, sir, is this not a That such consolidation was the very end of the constitulittle too hard? May we not crave some mercy, under fa- tion; the leading object, as they had informed us themvor and protection of the gentleman's own authority? Ad-selves, which its framers kept in view. I turned to their committing that a road, or a canal, must be written down flat munication, and read their very words--" the consolidausurpation as ever was committed, may we find no miti- tion of the Union"-and expressed my devotion to this gation in our respect for his place, and his vote, as one sort of consolidation. I said, in terms, that I wished not, in the slightest degree, to augment the powers of this

that knows the law?

The tariff, which South Carolina had an efficient Government; that my object was to preserve, not to enhand in establishing, in 1816, and this asserted power of large; and that, by consolidating the Union, I understood Internal Improvement, advanced by her in the same year, no more than the strengthening of the Union, and perpeand, as we have seen, approved and sanctioned by her Re-tuating it. Having been thus explicit, having thus read presentatives in 1824, these two measures are the great from the printed book the precise words which I grounds on which she is now thought to be justified in adopted, as expressing my own sentiments, it passes combreaking up the Union, if she sees fit to break it up! prehension how any man could understand me as conI may now safely say, I think, that we have had the au- tending for an extension of the powers of the Governthority of leading and distinguished gentlemen from Southment, or for consolidation, in that odious sense in which Carolina, in support of the doctrine of Internal Improve-it means an accumulation in the Federal Government of ment. I repeat that, up to 1824, I, for one, followed the powers properly belonging to the States. South Carolina; but, when that star, in its ascension, veer- I repeat, sir, that, in adopting the sentiments of the ed off, in an unexpected direction, I relied on its light no framers of the constitution, I read their language audibly, longer. [Here the VICE PRESIDENT said: Does the and word for word; and I pointed out the distinction, just Chair understand the gentleman from Massachusetts to say as fully as I have now done, between the consolidation of that the person now occupying the chair of the Senate has the Union and that other obnoxious consolidation which I changed his opinions on the subject of Internal Improve-disclaimed. And yet the honorable member misunderments?] From nothing ever said to me, sir, have I had stood me. The gentleman had said that he wished for no reason to know of any change in the opinions of the per- fixed revenue-not a shilling. If, by a word, he could son filling the chair of the Senate. If such change has convert the capitol into gold, he would not do it. Why all taken place, I regret it. I speak generally of the State this fear of revenue? Why, sir, because, as the gentleman of South Carolina. Individuals, we know there are, who told us, it tends to consolidation. Now, this can mean neither hold opinions favorable to the power. An application for more nor less than that a common revenue is a common its exercise, in behalf of a public work in South Carolina interest, and that all common interests tend to hold the itself, is now pending, I believe, in the other House, pre-Union of the States together. I confess I like that tensented by members from that State. dency; if the gentleman dislikes it, he is right in deprecating a shilling's fixed revenue. So much, sir, for consolidation.

I have thus, sir, perhaps not without some tediousness of detail, shown that, if I am in error, on the subjects of Internal Improvement, how, and in what company I fell into that error. If I am wrong, it is apparent who misled me. I go to other remarks of the honorable member, and I have to complain of an entire misapprehension of what I said on the subject of the national debt, though I can hardly perceive how any one could misunderstand me. What I said was, not that I wished to put off the payment

As well as I recollect the course of his remarks, the honorable gentleman next recurred to the subject of the tariff. He did not doubt the word must be of unpleasant sound to me, and proceeded, with an effort neither new nor attended with new success, to involve me and my votes in inconsistency and contradiction. I am happy the gentleman has furnished me an opportunity of a timely

JAN. 27, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

remark or two on that subject. I was glad he approached should they not be revised and amended, and made equal, it: for it is a question I enter upon without fear from any like other laws, as exigencies should arise, or justice rebody. The strenuous toil of the gentleman has been to quire? Because we had doubted about adopting the sysraise an inconsistency between my dissent to the tariff in tem, were we to refuse to cure its manifest defects, after 1824 and my vote in 1828. It is labor lost. He pays it became adopted, and when no one attempted its repeal? undeserved compliment to my speech in 1824; but this is And this, sir, is the inconsistency so much bruited. I had only to raise me high, that my fall, as he would have it, in voted against the tariff of 1824-but it passed; and in 1828, may be more signal. Sir, there was no fall at all. 1827 and 1828 I voted to amend it, in a point essential to Between the ground I stood on in 1824, and that I took in the interests of my constituents. Where is the inconsisten1828, there was not only no precipice, but no declivity. cy? Could I do otherwise? Sir, does political consistency It was a change of position to meet new circumstances, but consist in always giving negative votes? Does it require of a on the same level. A plain tale explains the whole mat- public man to refuse to concur in amending laws, because ter. In 1816, I had not acquiesced in the tariff, then sup- they passed against his consent? Having voted against the ported by South Carolina. To some parts of it, especial- tariff originally, does consistency demand that I should do ly, I felt and expressed great repugnance. I held the all in my power to maintain an unequal tariff, burthensome same opinions in 1821, at the meeting in Faneuil Hall, to to my own constituents, in many respects, favorable in which the gentleman has alluded. I said then, and say none? To consistency of that sort, I lay no claim; and there now, that, as an original question, the authority of Con- is another sort to which I lay as little, and that is, a kind of gress to exercise the revenue power, with direct refer- consistency by which persons feel themselves as much ence to the protection of manufactures, is a questionable bound to oppose a proposition after it has become a law authority; far more questionable, in my judgment, than of the land, as before. the power of Internal Improvements. I must confess, sir, The bill of 1827, limited, as I have said, to the single that, in one respect, some impression has been made on object in which the tariff of 1824 had manifestly failed my opinions lately. Mr. Madison's publication has put in its effect, passed the House of Representatives, but was the power in a very strong light. He has placed it, I must lost here. We had then the act of 1828. I need not reacknowledge, upon grounds of construction and argu- cur to the history of a measure so recent. Its enemies ment, which seem impregnable. But even if the power spiced it with whatsoever they thought would render it were doubtful, on the face of the constitution itself, it had distasteful; its friends took it, drugged as it was. Vast been assumed and asserted in the first revenue law ever amounts of property, many millions, had been invested in passed under that same constitution; and, on this ground, manufactures, under the inducements of the act of 1824. as a matter settled by cotemporaneous practice, I had re- Events called loudly, as I thought, for further regulation frained from expressing the opinion that the tariff laws to secure the degree of protection intended by that act. transcended constitutional limits, as the gentleman sup- I was disposed to vote for such regulation, and desired noposes. What I did say at Faneuil Hall, as far as I now thing more; but certainly was not to be bantered out of remember, was, that this was originally matter of doubt- my purpose by a threatened aug.nentation of duty on moful construction. The gentleman himself, I suppose, thinks there is no doubt about it, and that the laws are plainly against the constitution. Mr. Madison's letters, already referred to, contain, in my judgment, by far the most able exposition extant of this part of the constitution. He has satisfied me, so far as the practice of the Government had left it an open question.

lasses, put into the bill for the avowed purpose of making it obnoxious. The vote may have been right or wrong, wise or unwise; but it is little less than absurd to allege against it an inconsistency with opposition to the former law.

Sir, as to the general subject of the tariff, I have little now to say. Another opportunity may be presented. I remarked the other day, that this policy did not begin With a great majority of the Representatives of Massa- with us in New England; and yet, sir, New England is chusetts, I voted against the tariff of 1824. My reasons charged, with vehemence, as being favorable, or charged were then given, and I will not now repeat them. But, with equal vehemence, as being unfavorable to the tariff notwithstanding our dissent, the great States of New York, policy, just as best suits the time, place, and occasion, for Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky, went for the bill, in making some charge against her. The credulity of the almost unbroken column, and it passed. Congress and public has been put to its extreme capacity of false imthe President sanctioned it, and it became the law of the pression, relative to her conduct in this particular. land. What, then, were we to do? Our only option was, Through all the South, during the late contest, it was either to fall in with this settled course of public policy, New England policy, and a New England administration, and accommodate ourselves to it as well as we could, or to that was afflicting the country with a tariff beyond all enembrace the South Carolina doctrine, and talk of nullify-durance; while, on the other side of the Alleghany, even ing the statute by State interference. the act of 1828, itself, the very sublimated essence of op

This last alternative did not suit our principles, and, of pression, according to Southern opinions, was pronounccourse, we adopted the former. In 1827, the subjected to be one of those blessings for which the West was came again before Congress, on a proposition favorable to indebted to the "generous South." wool and woollens. We looked upon the system of pro- With large investments in manufacturing establishments, tection as being fixed and settled. The law of 1824 re- and many and various interests connected with and demained. It had gone into full operation, and, in regard to pendent on them, it is not to be expected that New Engsome objects intended by it, perhaps most of them, had pro- land, any more than other portions of the country, will duced all its expected effects. No man proposed to re-now consent to any measure, destructive, or highly danpeal it; no man attempted to renew the general contest gerous. The duty of the Government, at the present on its principle. But, owing to subsequent and unfore- moment, would seem to be to preserve, not to destroy; seen occurrences, the benefit intended by it to wool and to maintain the position which it has assumed; and, for woollen fabris had not been realized. Events, not one, I shall feel it an indispensable obligation to hold it known here when the law passed, had taken place, which steady, as far as in my power, to that degree of protecdefeated its object in that particular respect. A measure tion which it has undertaken to bestow. No more of the was accordingly brought forward to meet this precise de- tariff.

ficiency, to remedy this particular defect. It was limited Professing to be provoked by what he chose to consito wool and woollens. Was ever any thing more reason-der a charge made by me against South Carolina, the able? If the policy of the tariff laws had become establish- honorable member has taken up a new crusade against ed in principle, as the permanent policy of Government, New England. Leaving, altogether, the subject of

SENATE.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[JAN. 27, 1830.

the public lands, in which his success, perhaps, had and intensity. In all these conflicts, there was, no doubt, been neither distinguished nor satisfactory, and letting much of violence on both and all sides. It would be imgo, also, of the topic of the tariff, he sallied forth in a possible, if one had a fancy for such employment, to adgeneral assault on the opinions, politics, and parties, of just the relative quantum of violence between these conNew England, as they have been exhibited in the last tending parties. There was enough in each, as must thirty years. This is natural. The "narrow policy" of always be expected in popular Governments. With a the public lands had proved a legal settlement in South great deal of proper and decorous discussion, there was Carolina, and was not to be removed. The "accursed mingled a great deal, also, of declamation, virulence, cripolicy" of the tariff, also, had established the fact of its mination, and abuse. In regard to any party, probably, birth and parentage, in the same State. No wonder, there- at one of these leading epochs in the history of parties, fore, the gentleman wished to carry the war, as he ex- enough may be found to make out another equally inflampressed it, into the enemy's country. Prudently willing ed exhibition as that with which the honorable member to quit these subjects, he was, doubtless, desirous of fas- has edified us. For myself, sir, I shall not rake among tening on others, which could not be transferred south of the rubbish of by-gone times, to see what I can find, or Mason and Dixon's line. The politics of New England whether I cannot find something, by which I can fix a blot became his theme; and it was in this part of his speech, I on the escutcheon of any State, any party, or any part of think, that he menaced me with such sore discomfiture. the country. General Washington's administration was Discomfiture! Why, sir, when he attacks any thing which steadily and zealously maintained, as we all know, by I maintain, and overthrows it; when he turns the right or New England. It was violently opposed elsewhere. We left of any position which I take up; when he drives me know in what quarter he had the most earnest, constant, from any ground I choose to occupy; he may then and persevering support, in all his great and leading meatalk of discomfiture--but not till that distant day. What sures. We know where his private and personal charachas he done? Has he maintained his own charges? Has ter were held in the highest degree of attachment and he proved what he alleged? Has he sustained himself in veneration; and we know, too, where his measures were his attack on the Government, and on the history of the opposed, his services slighted, and his character vilified. North, in the matter of the public lands? Has he dis- We know, or we might know, if we turned to the Jourproved a fact, refuted a proposition, weakened an argu-nals, who expressed respect, gratitude, and regret, when ment, maintained by me Has he come within beat of he retired from the Chief Magistracy; and who refused drum of any position of mine? Oh, no, but he has to express either respect, gratitude, or regret. "carried the war into the enemy's country!" Carried the not open those Journals. Publications more abusive or war into the enemy's country! Yes, sir; and what sort of scurrilous never saw the light, than were sent forth against a war has he made of it? Why, sir, he has stretched a Washington, and all his leading measures, from presses drag-net over the whole surface of perished pamphlets, South of New England. But I shall not look them up. indiscreet sermons, frothy paragraphs, and fuming popu-I employ no scavengers; no one is in attendance on me, lar addresses; over whatever the pulpit, in its moments of tendering such means of retaliation; and if there were, alarm, the press in its heats, and parties in their extrava- with an ass's load on them, with a bulk as huge as that gance, have severally thrown off, in times of general ex-which the gentleman himself has produced, I would not citement and violence. He has thus swept together a touch one of them. I see enough of the violence of our mass of such things as, but that they are now old, the own times, to be no way anxious to rescue from forgetfulpublic health would have required him rather to leave in ness the extravagancies of times past. Besides, what is their state of dispersion. For a good long hour or two, all this to the present purpose? It has nothing to do with we had the unbroken pleasure of listening to the honora- the public lands, in regard to which the attack was beble member, while he recited, with his usual grace and gun; and it has nothing to do with those sentiments and spirit, and with evident high gusto, speeches, pamphlets, opinions, which, I have thought, tend to disunion, and all addresses, and all the et cæterus of the political press, such of which the honorable member seems to have adopted as warm heads produce in warm times; and such as it himself, and undertaken to defend. New England has, would be "discomfiture," indeed, for any one, whose at times, so argues the gentleman, held opinions as dantaste did not delight in that sort of reading, to be oblig-gerous as those which he now holds. Suppose this were ed to peruse at any time. This is his war. This it is to so; why should he, therefore, abuse New England? If carry the war into the enemy's country. It is in an inva- he finds himself countenanced by acts of hers, how is it sion of this sort, that he flatters himself with the expecta-that, while he relies on these acts, he covers, or seeks to tion of gaining laurels fit to adorn a Senator's brow. cover, their authors with reproach? But, sir, if, in the

I shall

What was

I shall not [said Mr. W.-it will, I trust, not be ex- course of forty years, there have been undue effervespected that I should, either now, or at any time--separate cences of party in New England, has the same thing hapthis farrago into parts, and examine and answer its com- pened no where else? Party animosity, and party outponents. I shall hardly bestow upon it all, a general re- rage, not in New England, but elsewhere, denounced mark or two. In the run of forty years, sir, under this President Washington, not only as a Federalist, but as a constitution, we have experienced sundry successive vio-Tory; a British agent; a man who, in his high office, sanclent party contests. Party arose, indeed, with the con- tioned corruption! But does the honorable member supstitution itself, and, in some form or other, has attended pose, that, if I had a tender here, who should put such it through the greater part of its history. Whether any oth- an effusion of wickedness and folly in my hand, that I er constitution than the old Articles of Confederation was would stand up and read it against the South? Parties desirable, was, itself, a question on which parties formed: ran into great heats, again, in 1799 and 1800. if a new constitution were framed, what powers should said, sir, or rather what was not said, in those years, be given to it, was another question; and, when it had against John Adams, one of the signers of the Declaration been formed, what was, in fact, the just extent of the of Independence, and its admitted ablest defender on the powers actually conferred, was a third. Parties, as we floor of Congress? If the gentleman wishes to increase know, existed under the first administration, as distinctly his stores of party abuse and frothy violence; if he has marked as those which manifested themselves at any sub- a determined proclivity to such pursuits; there are treasequent period. The contest immediately preceding the sures of that sort south of the Potomac, much to his taste, political change in 1801, and that, again, which existed at yet untouched: I shall not touch them. the commencement of the late war, are other instances of party excitement, of something more than usual strength

The parties which divided the country at the commencement of the late war, were violent. But, then, there was

JAN. 27, 1830.]

Mr. Foot's Resolution.

[SENATE.

violence on both sides, and violence in every State. Mi-trovert it. It is not, at present, worth the pains of refunorities and majorities were equally violent. There was tation; because, sir, if, at this day, any one feels the sin of no more violence against the war in New England, than federalism lying heavily on his conscience, he can easily obin other States; nor any more appearance of violence, tain remission. He may even have an indulgence, if he be except that, owing to a dense population, greater facility desirous of repeating the same transgression. It is an afof assembling, and more presses, there may have been fair of no difficulty to get into this same right line of pamore in quantity, spoken and 'printed there, than in some triotic descent. A man, now-a-days, is at liberty to choose other places. In the article of sermons, too, New Eng- his political parentage. He may elect his own father. land is somewhat more abundant than South Carolina; Federalist, or not, he may, if he choose, claim to belong and, for that reason, the chance of finding here and there to the favored stock, and his claim will be allowed. He an exceptionable one, may be greater. I hope, too, there may carry back his pretensions just as far as the honorable are more good ones. Opposition may have been more gentleman himself; nay, he may make himself out the formidable in New England, as it embraced a larger por- honorable gentleman's own cousin, and prove, satisfactorition of the whole population; but it was no more unre-ly, that he is descended from the same political great grandstrained in its principles, or violent in manner. The mi- father. All this is allowable. We all know a process, sir, norities dealt quite as harshly with their own State Go- by which the whole Essex Junto could, in one hour, be vernments as the majorities dealt with the administration all washed white from their ancient federalism, and come here. There were presses on both sides, popular meet-out, every one of them, an original democrat, dyed in the ings on both sides, ay, and pulpits on both sides, also. wool! Some of them have actually undergone the operaThe gentleman's purveyors have only catered for him among the productions of one side. I certainly shall not supply the deficiency by furnishing samples of the other. I leave to him, and to them, the whole concern.

be found.

tion, and they say it is quite easy. The only inconvenience it occasions, as they tell us, is a slight tendency of the blood to the face, a soft suffusion, which however is very transient, since nothing is said by those whom they join, It is enough for me to say, that if, in any part of this, calculated to deepen the red on the cheek, but a prudent their grateful occupation; if, in all their researches, they silence observed in regard to all the past. Indeed, sir, find any thing in the history of Massachusetts, or New some smiles of approbation have been bestowed, and England, or in the proceedings of any legislature, or some crumbs of comfort have fallen, not a thousand miles other public body, disloyal to the Union, speaking slightly from the door of the Hartford Convention itself. And if of its value, proposing to break it up, or recommending the author of the ordinance of 1787 possessed the other non-intercourse with neighboring States, on account of requisite qualifications, there is no knowing, notwithdifference of political opinion, then, sir, I give them all standing his federalism, to what heights of favor he might up to the honorable gentleman's unrestrained rebuke; ex-not yet attain. pecting, however, that he will extend his buffetings, in In carrying his warfare, such as it was, into New Englike manner, to all similar proceedings, wherever else to land, the honorable gentleman all along professes to be acting on the defensive. He elects to consider me as having The gentleman, sir, has spoken at large of former par- assailed South Carolina, and insists that he comes forth ties, now no longer in being, by their received appellations, only as her champion, and in her defence. Sir, [said Mr. and has undertaken to instruct us, not only in the know- W.] I do not admit that I made any attack whatever on ledge of their principles, but of their respective pedigrees South Carolina. Nothing like it. The honorable member, also. He has ascended to the origin, and run out their in his first speech, expressed opinions in regard to revegenealogies. With most exemplary modesty, he speaks nue, and some other topics, which I heard both with pain of the party to which he professes to have belonged him- and with surprise. I told the gentleman that I was aware self, as the true pure, the only honest, patriotic party, de- that such sentiments were entertained out of the Govern rived by regular descent, from father to son, from the ment, but had not expected to find them advanced in it; time of the virtuous Romans! Spreading before us that I knew there were persons in the South who speak the family tree of political parties, he takes especial of our Union with indifference, or doubt, taking pains to to show himself snugly perched on a popular magnify its evils, and to say nothing of its benefits; that bough! He is wakeful to the expediency of adopting the honorable member himself, I was sure, could never such rules of descent as shall bring him in, in exclusion of be one of these; and 1 regretted the expression of such others, as an heir to the inheritance of all public virtue, opinions as he had avowed, because I thought their obviand all true political principles. His party, and his ous tendency was to encourage feelings of disrespect to opinions, are sure to be orthodox; heterodoxy is confined the Union, and to weaken its connexion. This, sir, is the to his opponents. He spoke, sir, of the federalists, and I sum and substance of all I said on the subject. And this conthought I saw some eyes begin to open and stare a little, stitutes the attack which called on the chivalry of the gentlewhen he ventured on that ground. I expected he would man, in his opinion, to harry us with such a foray, among draw his sketches rather lightly, when he looked on the the party pamphlets and party proceedings of Massachu circle round him, and especially if he should cast his setts! If he means that I spoke with dissatisfaction or disthoughts to the high places out of the Senate. Never- respect of the ebullitions of individuals in South Carolina, theless, he went back to Rome, ad annum urbe condita, it is true. But, if he means that I had assailed the characand found the fathers of the federalsits in the primeval ter of the State, her honor, or patriotism; that I had rearistocrats of that renowned empire! He traced the flow flected on her history or her conduct; he had not the of federal blood down, through successive ages and cen- slightest ground for any such assumption. I did not even turies, till he brought it into the veins of the American refer, I think, in my observations, to any collection of intores, (of whom, by the way, there were twenty in the dividuals. I said nothing of the recent conventions. I Carolinas for one in Massachusetts.) From the tories, spoke in the most guarded and careful manner, and only he followed it to the federalists: and as the federal party expressed my regret for the publication of opinions which was broken up, and there was no possibility of transmit- I presumed the honorable member disapproved as much ting it further on this side of the Atlantic, he seems to have as myself. In this it seems I was mistaken. I do not rediscovered that it has gone off, collaterally, though against member that the gentleman has disclaimed any sentiment, all the canons of descent, into the ultras of France, and or any opinion, of a supposed anti-union tendency, which finally become extinguished, like exploded gas, among the on all, or any of the recent occasions, has been expressed. adherents of Don Miguel! This, sir, is an abstract of the The whole drift of his speech has been rather to prove gentleman's history of federalism. I am not about to con- that, in divers times and manners, sentiments equally lia

care