entrusted to him, his conduct became the immediate subject of parliamentary discussion. Nay, this was carried so far, that respectable persons were frequently deterred from undertaking duties of importance, lest they might be inadvertently betrayed into something which should subject them to the scrutiny of parliamentary investigation. He therefore decidedly opposed the motion of the honourable baronet. Lord Cochrane could add nothing to the admirable speech of Sir Francis Burdett; but he could not refrain from a few observations on what had fallen from the last speaker. Sir J. Nicholl had entered into a long detail of the advantages of the constitution, and the blessings enjoyed under it; but he entirely forgot to mention that that constitution was destroyed, and now no longer existed. (Cries of hear, hear, and order.) He had a right to say that the constitution no longerexisted while the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. There was now a general call for reform, and it was the knowledge the people had of the influence which prevailed within that House that had produced that call. If the call was not obeyed, the mass of corruption would destroy itself, for the maggots it engendered would eat it up. (A laugh.) They (the members) were the maggots of the constitution. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) They were the locusts that devoured it, and caused all the evils that were complained of. Was it not notorious that every thing wicked found its way to that House? Were they not familiar with instances of fraud, bribery, and perjury? (Hear, hear, order.) The manner in which that House was composed, was the cause of all the distress of the country. If any body came with a round sum of money in his hand to a borough, was he not sure of being returned? He was willing to believe, that some of the right honourable gentlemen op

posite were good moral men, but what did that signify? No good could be expected from them, or any others, if means were not taken to purify the system: unless this were done, the nation was ruined, the sun of the country was set.

Mr Curwen conceived that parliamentary reform was the only security for the introduction of economy in the public expenditure. It was true that an individual had been expelled from the society of Friends of the People; but that individual was not Major Cartwright.

Mr Ward conceived the question to have now assumed a more serious appearance than formerly; so that, unless steadily resisted, it might be ultimately carried. The petitions for reform were numerously signed, but they had been obtained from the people, in many instances, by gross misrepresentation. What kind of parliament and government did these radical reformers propose to give us? They say the King is to retain all his prerogatives, and the Lords their privileges; nothing was to be altered but the House of Commons. The splendid statue of gold was to have earthen feet, which might be broken at will. Every thing, then, was to be right; there would be no taxes, no tyranny, no orators, no heroes, no Pitts, and no Nelsons. It was pretended that a House of Commons formed by radical reformers could exist with a hereditary monarchy and nobility. So long, indeed, as the King and Lords went along with the popular voice, they would be endured by their inferior masters, but the first popular bill which might be rejected would be the signal for the downfall of the monarchy. He quoted a late work of Jeremy Bentham, author of many excellent writings, an able man, and a radical reformer. To shew the notions of radical reformers, he might

merely quote some of the titles which Mr Bentham gave to his chapters, such as "Honourable House incorrigible-Moderate reform inadequate." In describing the classes of persons who, Mr Bentham thinks, must be against reform, he says, "It must be the work of the Tories to make that portion of the public money spent in waste and corruption as large as possible, (hear, hear, from the Opposition,) and of the Whigs likewise." (Loud laughter.) Mr Bentham had a language of his own; but, to use a favourite term of the author, it "approximated" to ordinary language, and therefore the House could understand him. He says, public welfare "under moderate reform would be minimized, under radical reform would be maximized." Moderate reform would only be the sharp edge of the wedge, which, once insinuated, would serve to split the oak. What was called the borough system he regarded as an es sential part of the constitution; and he would as soon part with the representation for Yorkshire as with that of Old Sarum. In looking at the effects of popularity, it should be recollected that Mr Fox was obliged to be returned for the northern boroughs of Scotland, for the Ultima Thule. The case of Mr Windham might be noticed, and that of a living nobleman, for whom he had a high respect (Earl Grey). Such circumstances went a great way to vindicate the existing system. In what was called a reformed parliament, only two classes would get admittance-either those who had great local influence, or those who contrived to please the people. No country existed in the world where. in talents of all sorts, and particularly public talents, could rise so easily, and by such honourable means, as in England.

Sir Samuel Romilly was no friend to annual parliaments and universal

suffrage, but conceived that some kind of reform was eagerly called for, and entertained no dread of any serious injury arising from it to the constitution.

Mr Lamb admitted that some im. perfections had crept into the constitution; he felt in favour of communicating the right of voting to copyholders, and of remedying the abuses with regard to out-voters, but could not consent to a committee for the

general purpose of parliamentary reform. He could not imagine that the petitions contained the sense of the people, when he considered the man. ner in which they were obtained, the pilgrimages that had been undertaken by zealous devotees to the shrine of popular applause. He trusted the question would not soon be again brought under the notice of parlia

ment.

Mr Tierney said the proposition tonight he had felt to be a very moderate proposition, and to that proposition no counter-proposition had been produced from any party. The only good argument he had heard this evening had been, that things were very well as they were, and so let well alone-an argument truly fit for, and well adapted to the side of the House from whence it came. (Hear, and a laugh.) So did also the observation from an honourable gentleman, that Old Sarum, in his opinion, was just as good a representation as any other. The boroughs were principally in the hands of pettifogging attornies, who sought out a person fit to represent the borough, and inquired not about his talents, but who his banker was. Instead of looking out for promising young men, likely to be serviceable to their country, they looked out, for their own sakes, for phthisicky decrepit old men, who were likely soon to die, and occasion a fresh election. (Hear, and laughter on all sides.)

He certainly thought a grand radical change too dangerous an experiment, yet still something might be done in the practical way. Copyholders, as well as freeholders, should elect the members. The monied interest was now too strong for the country gentleman residing near a borough, and he was excluded by some mushroom adventurer, who had got a good contract with government, or made a lucky hit in the stocks. The worst was, the expence now of the large towns, and even counties, made them close boroughs to all who could not afford to make the electors a present

of 20 or 30,000l. every election. Yet after all that could be said in extenuation of the present system, was it not monstrous that the county members formed but a minority to the residue? He had studied reform under the auspices of Mr Pitt, who, after all, had established the Irish representation upon a liberal system. He saw no objection to a committee, though he confessed he had little hope of the motion being carried.

Lord Milton spoke against the motion, which being put to the vote, was negatived by a majority of 265 to 77.

THE important place of Speaker of the House of Commons had long been filled, with high distinction, by Mr Abbot. During the present session, however, the health of that gentleman became too precarious to admit of the regular attendance necessary for the discharge of his high functions. He determined, therefore, very properly, to resign his situation.

On Friday, May 30, Mr Dyson, the deputy clerk, stated, that he had received a letter from the Speaker, which, with the leave of the House, he would read. He then read the following:

"Palace-yard, May 30, 1817.

"SIR-It with the sincerest con

cern and regret that I feel myself obliged to request, that you will in.

form the House of Commons, at their

meeting this day, of my inability, from continued illness, to attend any longer upon their service. After holding the high office to which I have been rais. ed by their favour in five successive parliaments, it is impossible that I should resign so honourable and dis.

tinguished a situation, without feeling the deepest gratitude for the constant kindness with which they have been pleased to accept and assist my humble endeavours to discharge its various and arduous duties. It was my earnest wish and hope to have continued longer in the service of the House, if such were their pleasure. But the interruption of public business which has been already occasioned by my state of health, and the apprehension of the same cause recurring, which might again expose the House to the like inconvenience, have made me deem it necessary that I should retire at this time; and have left me now no further duty to perform than to return my heartfelt acknowledgments to the House for all the favours they have upon me, and to express my fervent wishes for the perpetual maintenance and preservation of its rights, its privileges, and its independence. I am, Sir, always most truly yours,

bestowed

"CHAS. ABBOT.

"To Jeremiah Dyson, Esq. Deputy Clerk, House of Commons."

Lord Castlereagh then rose and said, that after the communication which the House had just heard, combined with the recollection of his uniform conduct, there could be, he apprehended, no difference of opinion as to the great merits of the Speaker, or as to the propriety of accepting his resignation. From the able, dignified, and conciliatory manner in which he had discharged the arduous duties of his office, at once reflecting the highest credit upon his character, and affording the utmost satisfaction to the House, all who heard him must regret the resignation of that highly respected and universally esteemed individual. The loss, indeed, of such an officer, he felt, no doubt in common with the House, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, adequately to supply. The noble lord concluded with proposing an adjournment until Monday, when probably he would be authorised to make a communication to the House, which would mark the estimation in which the Speaker was held by the illustrious personage at the head of government, and which would enable the House to proceed at once to the election of another Speaker.

The motion of adjournment was agreed to.

On Monday, June 2, the House proceeded to the choice of a Speaker in the place of Mr Abbot, now Lord Colchester. After an amicable contest between the friends of Mr Manners Sutton and Mr Charles Wynne, the choice fell upon the former by a majority of 160; the numbers being for Mr Sutton 312, and for Mr Wynne 152.

On Tuesday, June 3, Mr Sutton, the new Speaker, took his seat in the chair, after having received the royal approbation in the House of Peers.

Lord Castlereagh brought down the following message :

"The Prince Regent, acting in the name, and on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks it right to inform the House of Commons, that having taken into his consideration the eminent and distinguished services of the Right Hon. Charles Abbot, during the long and eventful period in which he had filled the situation of Speaker of that House, has conferred upon him the dignity of a Baron of the United Kingdom, by the title of Baron Colchester of Colchester, in the county of Essex; and the Prince Regent recommends to the House of Commons to enable him to make such provision for Charles Lord Colchester, and for the heir male of his body who may next succeed to the title, as shall, under all the circumstances, be judged just and reasonable."

It was argued by Mr Wynne and others, that this ought to have originated in the House, where his labours could be best appreciated. It was at last agreed to by Lord Castlereagh, to postpone the consideration of the message till Thursday.

On Thursday, June 5, Lord Castlereagh, after some prefatory encomiums, moved the thanks of the House to Baron Colchester, for the zeal and ability with which he had discharged the duties of his station in parliament.

Lord William Russel rose with extreme reluctance to oppose this vote. No man could be more sensible of the general merits of the late Speaker; but he could not forget the memorable speech made by him at the bar of the House of Lords on the failure of the Catholic question; nor the motion of a noble friend of his (Lord Morpeth) on that subject. On that occasion 117 members of that House had voted their censure on the Speaker; and the public would not be able to understand the reason why the House now unanimously applauded him. It was also a bad precedent, to see that Speaker