sued, with considerable bloodshed. The people at first remained masters of the field, which they maintained for two days; but, on the 18th, reinforcements poured in, which enabled Elio to crush all resistance. He used his triumph with a relentless severity, which left deep and mortal traces in the minds of the Valencians. A great number were arrested, and the general was only prevented, by the interference of the tribunals, from putting to death many of them on the spot. A proclamation was issued, forbidding the use of arms to all except the troops and officers of go vernment, and promising a reward of a thousand reals to any one who should give information about those concerned in the conspiracy. The leading agents being punished by death or exile, no further attempt at insurrection took place. The violent agitation of the popular mind, however, was attest ed by a single circumstance. The informer against Rechar, who had suffered during the preceding year for political offences, was killed by an unknown hand, and his head was found suspended in the public square, with the following inscription: "Debt paid to the hero Rechar, and his companions, sacrificed through my barbarous denunciation."

Although this rising had entirely failed, it gave a strong impulse to the discontent already fermenting in every part of the kingdom. The jealous tyranny of the government was also redoubled; and numerous arrests took place, both in the capital and in the provinces. It was in Catalonia, however, a province always distinguished by its spirit of liberty, that the chief attempt at revolt took place. General Lacy, one of the officers who had been most distinguish ed in the war of independence, resolved now upon a daring attempt to deliver his country from the tyranny under which it groaned. He obtained, as an associate, Milans, who, though

less known, had also served with de stinction in the same career. They hoped to gain over the army of Catalonia, and to seize the fortresses of that province, which are the strongest in Spain. Their design was, in the first instance, to assemble the cortes, and ultimately, it was said, to form Spain into an Iberian republic. This last rash and violent design does not seem very suitable, either to the character of the individuals, or to the disposition always shewn by the nation. It may be suspected, therefore, that the government, through whom all our information is derived, propagated this assertion, with the view of rendering the cause odious. The conspirators seem to have had at one time a fair promise of success. An extensive understanding was formed among the officers of the army of Catalonia, and it has even been asserted that forty-one battalions were expected to join at the first signal. One unguarded moment baffled all this train of contrivance. An emissary of General Lacy attempted to gain over an officer, who had the command at one of the gates of Barcelona. This officer, instead of assenting, caused him to be immediately apprehended, when there were found upon him papers and proclamations, which revealed the whole secret of the conspiracy. Lacy, with eighteen officers of distinction, were instantly put under arrest. Milans made his escape, and collected a body of troops, with which he hovered for some time in the neighbouring mountains, though without being able to effect any important object. The Spanish government paused for some time, before proceeding to extremities against Lacy. So much was he beloved by the army and people, that his execution, it was feared, would have been the signal of insurrection. At length, it was determined to convey him to the island of Majorca, where he would be remo ved at least from under the eye of the

people. There, after a fruitless attempt to escape, he was condemned to military execution. He is said to have displayed the utmost fortitude, and to have given himself to the troops the order to fire. "All that I regret," said he, "is to die by the hands of my ancient brethren in arms. It was in the field of honour, and while combating the enemies of Spain, that a warrior like me ought to have finished his ca

reer."

ers.

During the same period, commotions, though not on so great a scale, were felt in other parts of Spain. At St Jago in Galicia, a conspiracy took place, the particulars of which never fully transpired; and which was suppressed, like that of Barcelona, by the arrest and punishment of the ringleadAt Cadiz, the discontent of the troops was fomented by the reluctance to proceed on the revolting service in South America, for which they were destined. On the 25th March, two regiments, having received orders to embark, broke into open mutiny, declaring, that they would not act as butchers to the Cadiz monopolists. The rest of the army, however, remaining steady, the mutineers, after a sharp conflict, were overcome, and compelled to go on board. The continuance of the same spirit was, however, proved, by a disastrous event which soon after took place. The great naval arsenal at Carraca, notwithstanding all the misfortunes of Spain, formed still one of the completest establishments of the kind in Europe, and afforded ample means for the equipment of the fleets sent into her transatlantic possessions. Some incendiaries succeeded in communicating the flames to it, so effectually, that it was found impossible to arrest their progress, and the whole was entirely consumed. The conflagration was so violent, that the Isla de Leon, though separated from Carraca by a channel

of considerable breadth, was entirely covered by the flames.

The disastrous failure of these designs seems to have discouraged any farther attempts at resistance; and Spain, for the present, resigned herself to her fate. The government, meantime, sought only to secure itself by drawing closer the cords of despotism. The "Apostolic Inquisition of error, depravity, and apostacy," published a long list of prohibited works. Among these, the Henriade of Voltaire was forbidden, even to those who had ob tained special licences. Anathemas were also pronounced against Adele and Theodore; Benjamin Constant's "Principles of Policy, applicable to all Representative Governments;" and Lacroix's "Elements of the Rights of Nations." As prints and pictures were found to have been used for the purpose of throwing ridicule on the person of the sovereign, they were subjected, like books, to a previous censorship.

A financial statement was this year published by the Spanish government, which, though it does not exhibit a very lavish expenditure, compared to that of other great monarchies, acknowledges to a considerable extent of embarrassment. The following are the principal features:

Or 1,461,000l. sterling. Such was the deficiency acknowledged by government; but rumour represented it as much more considerable. To meet it, a number of supernumerary officers were dismissed, and a general contribution was imposed upon every species of property. Ferdinand's necessities even drove him to a measure, which appeared very foreign to the superstitious habits in which he was immersed. The immense property of the clergy, which had hitherto remain ed untouched by any tax, was now called upon to contribute some share of the common burden. Admitting, however, that "God had committed to the clergy alone the charge of the church revenues," he took no steps without an express authority from the Pope. That pontiff was prudent enough to yield, and issued a bull, in which he states, that, considering the distress of the Spanish nation, and the enormous expences of the late war, he had been pleased to grant to his dearly beloved spiritual son Ferdinand an indulto, authorising him to receive, during six years, the extraordinary subsidy of 30,000,000 reals, (about L.300,000.) Hopes were expressed, that, at the end of that period, the reductions made, and the improvement of the revenue, would render this contribution no longer necessary. At present all concerned were enjoined to pay it, on penalty of the utmost indignation of God, and of the holy apostles St Peter and St Paul.

Some alarm of war took place during this year, in consequence of the invasion by Portugal of the territory of Monte Video. A Spanish force was consequently assembled on the frontier of Portugal, ready to act, in case her court should adhere to this proceeding. An appeal, however, being made to the five great powers of Europe, they were induced to interpose, and to insist upon Portugal with

drawing her troops from the Spanish territories.

One laudable action of Ferdinand's government consisted in the decree for the abolition of the slave trade, published in December of the present year. The prohibition with respect to the coasts north of the Line was to take place immediately; as to those south of the Line, it was to take place on the 30th May, 1820. In the mean time, the number of slaves conveyed in any vessel, was limited to five for every two tons. The carrying on of the trade after the time prescribed, was punished with the forfeiture of the ship and cargo, and with the transportation for ten years to the Philippines, of the purchaser, captain, master, and pilot.

Amid the convulsions which shook the Spanish monarchy, Portugal did not remain altogether undisturbed.Upon this subject we cannot forbear some reflections, which we should gladly have had cause to omit. Britain, for many years, had held in her hands the destiny of Portugal. Her arms, her commanders, and her subsidies, had formed the only prop of the existence of that monarchy. It cannot be doubted, then, that if she had stipulated, as the terms of her aid, the establishment of a constitutional system, founded upon rational and moderate principles, the king could not have refused. What private advice may have been given upon this subject, is not known; but we are not aware of any overt act, tending to such an object. The only apparent interference of British force consisted in the putting down of the popular junto, which was found established at its arrival, and re-establishing, in its stead, the plenitude of the royal authority. If Britain supported the establishment of absolute power, experience has shewn that she consulted ill the interests of her ally, who, in con

sequence of declining to grant a constitution in time, has had one dictated to him, in which his interests, as well as inclination, have been very little consulted.

Besides the absence of political rights, the Portuguese complained of their country being held under the military occupation of a foreign power. After peace, indeed, the British army was withdrawn; but Marshal Beresford was still commander in chief of the Portuguese army, and many of its principal posts continued to be held by British officers. These considerations were ill brooked by Gomez Freire d'Andrade, a Portuguese officer of considerable talents, and highly popular in the army. At length he was impelled to the desperate design of a conspiracy for the subversion of the government. He gained, as an associate, Baron Eben, a foreign officer, who held a situation in the British staff, and several others of some distinction. The ramifications of the plot were widely extended throughout the kingdom, particularly in the great towns. An entire change in the reigning dynasty is said to have been contemplated; but it has been also asserted, and perhaps with truth, that their views were limited to the expulsion of the English, and establishment of a free constitution. The means to be employed, however, were violent. A captain in the 1st regiment undertook to dispatch Marshal Beresford. The members of the regency, the British generals in the Portuguese service, and several other obnoxious individuals, were destined to a similar fate. The plot appears to have escaped the supine security of the Portuguese regency; but it was traced by the vigilance of Marshal Beresford, who was soon acquainted with all its ramifications. He communicated it to the regency, but prevailed upon them

to delay any proceedings, till measures could be taken for its complete suppression in every part of the kingdom. At length, on the evening of the 25th May, a party was dispatched to apprehend Freire in his own house. They were denied admittance, on pretence of his being from home; but they forced the door, and found him seated in his library, surrounded by papers, and with a brace of pistols on the table. He did not attempt any resistance, and there were found in his possession some printing-presses, with a

variety of printed proclamations, which fully disclosed his views. The information gained by intercepted letters led also to the apprehension of numerous accomplices in the provin cial towns, particularly in Oporto. All the designs of the malcontents were so completely baffled, that not the smallest movement took place.The ringleaders were immediately brought to trial, when Freire, and twelve others, were condemned and executed; the sentence of Eben was limited to banishment.

In Germany, the states were waiting, with an expectation not yet quite blunted, for the fulfilment of the promises made at the commencement of the war of liberty. It was in Wirtemberg alone that any constitutional movement took place. This state had always been pre-eminent above the rest of Germany, by the freedom of her political institutions. At a time when the feudal principles were generally sinking beneath the prerogative of the sovereign, the people of Wirtemberg made a vigorous stand, and, after a sharp civil war, concluded, in 1542, the treaty of Tubingen, which has ever since been considered as their bill of rights. Yet, in 1733, the people thought it necessary to apply for a guarantee of their constitution from the three great powers of Hanover,

Holstein, and Brandenburgh, (Eng. land, Denmark, and Prussia.) It is usually at its peril, that a nation courts any interference in its internal affairs, especially from such powerful states; but, in the present instance, when Duke Charles, in 1764, exercised the most odious oppressions upon his people, and endeavoured to deprive them entirely of their liberties, the three high contracting parties appear to have fulfilled their engagements faithfully and liberally, and to have exerted their influence in favour of the oppressed Wirtemburghers.

Mr Fox was accustomed to say, that there were only two constitutions in Europe, England and Wirtemberg. We can with difficulty, however, discover the qualities which can entitle the latter to be placed by the side of so high a model. The Assembly of the States* met only upon extraordinary occasions, the accession of the Duke, the proposal by him of some new tax, or of some law of particular importance. They could not originate any new proceeding, but merely received the propositions and demands of the sovereign, which could, moreover, be stopped in their progress by a body, called the permanent deputation, of which we shall presently speak. It is remarkable, that the Wirtemberg states consisted only of two orders, Prelates and Commons, the Knights Imperial having seceded from the assembly at an early period. Upon the whole, however, the main instrument for keeping the sovereign power in check was the permanent deputation, a body of peculiar construction. They resided constantly at Stutgard, shared both the legislative and executive power, and, by a singular anomaly, had a secret chest, or treasure of their own, placed at their arbitrary dispoUnfortunately, they were not

VOL. X. PART 1.

really a deputation, but rather formed upon the closest model of close boroughs. They were two in number, the lesser and the greater deputation. The lesser consisted of two prelates and six deputies, who were in the perpetual exercise of their functions; these elected their own successors, so that they might be considered as always substantially the same. When any legislative function was to be performed, the greater deputation was composed by the lesser adding to their body the equal number of two prelates and six deputies, chosen by themselves out of the general assembly. Thus this greater deputation was merely the lesser one swollen to a greater bulk, but retaining all its original qualities. Such as it was, however, this constitution appears to have given satisfaction to the people, and to have been found an useful barrier against royal encroachment.

In 1805, the period arrived when a complete change was to take place in this system. Buonaparte, that idol of our popular leaders, having obtained a complete ascendancy in Southern Germany, determined to cement it by aggrandizing, and thereby attaching to his interest, the hereditary sovereign of Wirtemberg. The Duke was created King, with a very considerable augmentation of territory.The French conqueror, however, imposed here, as every where else, the grateful condition, that liberty should be placed, throughout his vassal states, on the same footing as he had placed it in France. On the 2d January, 1806, the newly made king issued a proclamation, announcing that he held his states, now, in full sovereignty; that popular assemblies, and all proceedings connected with them, were, under existing circumstances, unnecessary; and his loving subjects were,

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