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dented. In what manner are we to remove all those evils? What new expedients have his majesty's ministers to offer? I have already stated the deficiency of our revenue. I now inquire how it is to be supplied? All I can collect from the speech from the throne is, that his majesty's ministers hope to find means for that purpose, without trenching on the sinking fund, and without making any addition to the burdens of the people. By what means then is this object to be effected? Is it by adding to the debt? I hope not. Is it to be by postponing the payment of the interest of that debt? or by postponing the operation of that measure for the liquidation of the debt which is said to be so essential to the mainte-nance of public credit? Is it to be by a loan? or by borrowing on Exchequer bills?" Ministers had professed a disposition to retrench, but had given no proof of their sincerity either last session or during the interval. Are we then now to believe that ministers are sincere in their disposition to retrench? My lords, this and the other House of Parliament must impose on them that duty. We must insist on a retrenchment very different from that adverted to in the speech from the throne. We must insist on a rigid unsparing economy; an economy founded, not on what sound policy requires, but on what necessity will admit ; not on what government would have, but on what the country can afford. If we cannot extend the means to meet the expence of the establishments, we must contract the establishments to meet the In this condition, that which would be a paltry saving under other circumstances, must be strictly enforced. The splendour of the crown now must consist, not in the gaudy trappings of a court, but in making just sacrifices to conciliate the feelings of the people. This is true dignity. Even the claims of many meritorious sub

jects, painful as the proceeding will be, must be rejected. You are in a situation, my lords, which will not permit to you that which, under other circumstances, sound policy might dictate; you must content yourselves with doing that which the necessities of the state will allow. It is the duty of the ministers to look the danger in the face. They have a solemn and painful task to perform-a task that may expose them to the reproaches even of their friends. Not only superfluous expences, but even comforts, and what in other times might be deemed necessaries, must be cut down. My lords, although I am far from wishing to encourage the delusion that has been spread among the people on the subject of one description of expenditure that has excited much irritation and obloquy; knowing, as I do, that no very considerable savings can be effected in that quarter, I must nevertheless say, that I think his majesty's ministers are bound to shew the people of this country, that the expenditure is reduced to the lowest possible scale, and that nothing is continued except that which is demanded by the most imperative necessity. The people have a right to expect this after the exemplary patience with which they have submit. ted to all the privations attendant on the late dreadful struggle." Lord Grey finally adverted to the atrocious attempt of yesterday, which he condemned in the strongest manner, but did not believe that there existed any design against the life of his Royal Highness. However blameable also might be the language used in popular assemblies, he did not believe that there existed in many persons a desire to overturn the British constitution. He trusted that these would not be made a pretext for the introduction of new laws, inconsistent with the true spirit of the British constitution. He concluded with moving an amendment,

urging the necessity of rigid economy, and of a strict inquiry being made into the state of the nation.

Earl Grey was answered by the Earl of Harrowby. That nobleman saw no reason why the public distress should have been painted in the blackest possible colours. To adopt the course the noble earl recommended might be in many cases highly injurious, by subduing that spirit of confidence and hope, which can alone give sufficient energy to rescue a country from a state of dif. ficulty, and restore its prosperity. The noble earl called on their lordships to credit facts to which they could not give their assent. It was, for instance, impossible for them to agree with him in declaring, that the present distress exceeded that of every former period of difficulty known in the country. How were their lordships to concur in that opinion? He recollected former periods of distress which had given rise to complaints as loud as those which were made at present. The American war had been alluded to, and he believed the noble earl entered parliament soon after the termination of that contest. It could not be forgotten that the language of that day was distinguished by the strongest despondency. The noble earl had alluded to the state of the country in the year 1783; but he ought to have recollected, that at that period our public debt had increased in the course of ten years by a sum, the interest of which was 4,800,000l., while the whole revenue raised to meet it amounted only to 1,700,000l. Here was a state of things which might fairly be put in the balance with the embar. rassments of the present period. In that same year 1783, our exports amounted to the great sum of ten millions, while in the year which had just expired they had fallen to so low a state as to be only twenty-eight millions. So much for the prosperity of 1783, compared with that of 1817!

The country had then a debt gradually accumulating, without means prepared for its reduction; no man had then been bold enough to propose a remedy for this enormous evil. At present the country possessed a sinking fund amounting to about fourteen millions. How could the present distress be attributed to taxation, when the country had been in a state of prosperity at a time when it paid eighteen millions more of taxes? He was convinced that the suffering would be only temporary. But to whatever degree that distress extended, had it not been balanced by great advantages? It would be strange indeed if any man could look back to the events which had occurred during the last twenty years, and not oppose to that distress the important acquisitions made by the country during the same period; the rank to which we had risen among nations, the security we had obtained, the imperishable glory we had conquered. He could not agree in thinking that the atrocious outrage of yesterday had any other object than a similar attack made on the sovereign more than twenty years ago. But it was not surprising that the minds of the ignorant were worked up to excesses, when they were daily excited, not only to hatred of the sovereign, but of his government, and indeed of every government. This was the effect to be expected from the inflammatory publications circulated among them, with a most mischievous industry. These publications were distributed among a people smarting at present under distress, and unfortunately, therefore, fell upon a soil calculated to produce the fruits which had been witnessed. this respect the situation of the country required the greatest attention, and he hoped the subject would speedily occupy the fullest consideration of parliament. He should think himself attempting to impose on the understanding of their lordships, were he to hold

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out any other view than that which he had done with regard to the state of the public mind. In the meantime he rejoiced to state, that however their lordships might differ on certain questions of policy, he was perfectly satis fied that they all agreed in venerating the magnificent edifice of the British constitution, which had existed with glory for so many ages, and also that they were all determined to maintain it. Earl Grosvenor supported the amendment, and condemned the whole conduct of ministers. Notwithstanding the many thousands who severely felt the difficul ties of the times; notwithstanding the sufferings of that important, but now almost extinguished class, the country gentlemen ; notwithstanding that al most all, excepting those who lived by the taxes, were compelled to make the greatest sacrifices; notwithstanding all these considerations, he derived a far more melancholy view from the conviction that ministers were determined to resist every reasonable plan of economy and reform.

The Earl of Aberdeen supported the address, and Lord St John the amend

ment.

Earl Bathurst said, the military establishments of the country would be reduced, not as low as they possibly could be, but as low as the safety of the nation would admit.-The address did not pledge the house to approve of the objects of the Nepaul war, but merely of the ability and valour with which it had been conducted.-As to the loan which some capitalists of this country were preparing to advance to the French government, he must say that he knew of no law to prevent the capitalists of this country from making the most beneficial application of their capital, particularly in lending it to a government in a state of amity and alliance with this country. But this loan would not, as the noble earl seemed to imagine, press exclusively on the

English money market; on the contrary, it would be advanced by a variety of capitalists of all nations, without discrimination; and he was most happy to learn, that a very considerable portion of it would come from the monied men of France. He would not now go back to the consideration of the peace, which had already received the approbation of parliament; but the noble lord was mistaken if he supposed its only object was to maintain the Bourbons on the throne of France. The first object, he would admit, was to give support to that family, as the most likely mode of securing the general peace of Europe; but there was a second object, to secure the fulfilment of the indemnities stipulated in the peace of Paris; and thirdly, to occupy the frontier towns of France, until the left bank of the Rhine was adequately secured by the erection of barriers against the future aggressions of that country; more particularly after the treaty had confirmed its territorial integrity. With respect to the first of these objects, why was it thought desirable? Chiefly because the whole French army had shewn itself radically hostile to the Bourbon family. That army was now disbanded, but if it had been left in full force, there was little doubt but it would have operated to the immediate overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty.

The Marquis Wellesley wished to impress upon the House the duties imposed upon them by the distresses of the nation. Was this a day for compliment-for courtly professions,

for the mere repetition of the words of the minister's speech? Were they only to rejoice with the crown on the glory that the country had obtained, and not to look to the condition in which those victories had left the country? It was manifest that those distresses had been growing to the height which now astounded the firmest mind, by slow but perceptible degrees, and

ministers must have seen the progress. Why, then, did they not assemble the parliament earlier? Why deprive the country of that constitutional council to which they were entitled, and to which they were naturally led to look up for redress. The address proposed, merely re-echoing the cold cautionary terms of the speech, appeared to him not at all suited to the present exigency. He could not hope that the present distress would be only temporary, when he saw the unmerciful hostility with which our trade and manufactures were viewed on the contitinent.-Ministers said the distress was

temporary! He should probably astonish the noble president, when he said he should agree with him-yes-the distress was temporary. It arose, as was said, from the inordinate expenditure of the country-and that would be temporary, for there must be an end of it. That day, he pronounced it, must put an end it. This scandalous profusion could not go on. Parliament must do its duty. There was no longer a refuge to be found from the cries of the hungry, the famished population. The army must be reduced. He had no hesitation in saying, that, with every regard to the dignity of the crown, to the maintenance of our rank as a nation, and security of the empire, it might be greatly reduced. The civil list also, and all the establishments of every kind, must be retrenched with no sparing hand. As to the war in India, it seemed to him to be necessary, as far as he could, from imperfect acquaintance, understand the causes of it; from recollection, however, of the territory of Nepaul, he had some doubt whether an undue importance had not been given to that expedition. However this might be, he thought the conduct of the noble Marquis at the head of that government was marked by integrity and ability; and nothing could

be more grateful to his own feelings than that the noble Marquis should be more useful to that empire than he himself had been. He deprecated the wild theories of reform which were afloat; universal suffrage and annual parliaments appeared to him subversive of the very nature of the constitution. Ministers had been to blame in allowing things to proceed to this height without calling parliament.The noble lord then concluded with ardent expressions of his attachment to the constitution." I trust I may say that no man can be a stauncher friend to it than I am. I was born under the influence of this glorious constitution: I was educated in its principles: to it I owe almost every thing: no man owes more to it than I do; no family owes more to it than mine. I have, therefore, reason to love and admire it, and I would gladly lay down my life to support it. Defendi rempublicam adolescens; non deseram senex. These are the principles by which I am prepared to abide. I would give the public every practical relief. I admire their fortitude, I compassionate their sufferings, and I call upon this House, as in duty bound, to make every possible sacrifice for their benefit."

Lord Sidmouth, while he admitted the distress of the nation, trusted that it was only temporary. The stagnation of the manufactures, he conceived, arose less from foreign exclusion, than from the decrease of consumption arising from the general distress throughout Europe. His noble friend had complained that the speech from the throne had referred to late acts of violence, before sufficient grounds had been laid before the House to justify such allusion. He should have thought that the circumstances alluded to were sufficiently notorious to the House, independently of any detailed evidence on the subject. It was impossible that

the House could be better informed than it already was upon the general state of the country; but he was authorised to state, that he should on Friday next present a message from the Prince Regent upon the subject, and it would be for their lordships to inquire into and examine the causes of that state, and for that purpose all necessary papers and information would be laid before their lordships.

Lord Darnley considered the speech as not suited to the situation in which the country stood, and disapproved of the address.

Notwithstanding the elaborate display of their sentiments, the opposition did not attempt to divide the House, but allowed the address to pass with

out a vote.

In the House of Commons the address was moved by Lord Valletort, and seconded by Mr Dawson. The address itself, with the speeches of these young orators, was, as usual, an echo of the royal speech to which it referred. Mr Ponsonby undertook to express the sentiments of opposition. He professed himself not at all disposed to exaggerate the distresses of the country. He agreed with the last speaker that its fate was at all times, but now most particularly, placed in the hands of parliament, and that on the conduct of that House in particular during this session, depended very much what would be the fate of the country. He agreed with the speech as to Algiers, and waved for the present the ques tion of India. With regard to the revenue and the state of the country, he felt himself imperiously bound to differ from ministers. He referred to the speech of last year, which had asserted that the commerce and revenue of the country were in the most flourishing condition, and had pledged ministers to the utmost possible economy, yet they had resisted every proposition for reducing expences, till they were

compelled to do otherwise by a vote of the House. As to the revenue, it had totally failed. There was not now a sinking fund in existence, meaning by. that term a surplus of revenue over expenditure, applicable to the payment of the debt. He was convinced that if the whole of the sinking fund were applied to ordinary services, it would be necessary to borrow ten millions in addition. Such evils could not have arisen from mere temporary causes, or from the transition from war to peace. The real causes of the distress were the immense debt and taxation of the country. It was by these that the people were so dreadfully borne down as they were at present. When, therefore, we presumed to exhort the people to exercise fortitude under the trials they were called to endure, and to be patient while they made so many sacrifices, it was surely the duty of the House to speak the truth, the whole truth to the people, and not attempt to blind or delude them by a false statement of what were the real grounds of their calamity; and it was equally the duty of the House to shew the country that they were determined to act as the representatives of such a nation as Great Britain were bound to act; that they were no longer to be put off their guard by the promises of Ministers, but would, by rigid economy, shew they felt as representatives ought to feel, what was their duty, and would manfully and conscientiously discharge that duty. With regard to the attempts made by certain individuals to inflame the public mind, no one could charge him with giving any countenance to them. The best way of repressing them would be by the House determining to do their duty. On what grounds could Ministers pretend that the distress was only temporary? Where were the resources from which relief was to come? Was it from the manufacturing interests? Alas! the

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