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tell the noble lord, that the hope was vain; for the attention of the people was not to be diverted from those salutary and necessary objects, retrenchment and reduction, and, finally, a reform in the representation of the people. Whatever might be the fate of the bill, the noble lord would find that as soon as it was got rid of, the House would immediately take up the last motion, that on the Lords of the Admiralty, from which its attention had been diverted.

Mr Canning had often remarked, that no creed was so extravagant as the creed of unbelief; this seemed confirmed by the case of those who thought that all the matter of the report was a plot invented by ministers. The object of this ingenious and diabolical invention, it seems, was to defeat the efforts of the mighty phalanx which is combined to investigate our conduct, and drive us from our seats. And for this purpose we have, it is supposed, gone through the following elaborate, but compendious system of operations. We have, first, devised or resuscitated a set of extravagant and pernicious principles, hostile alike to the peace of nations and to the welfare of mankind, which we have caused to be circulated throughout the country, and particularly throughout the distressed and suffering parts of it. We have next selected a certain number of desperate, but trust-worthy incendiaries, to act upon these principles to the full extent of direct physical resistance and rebellion, risking their own lives, but keeping our counsel all the time. Next, so secure have we felt in the framing and jointing of our conspiracy against ourselves, so confident that nothing would appear that should betray the secret of its fabrication, that we have ventured to submit it to the inspection of a secret committee, composed, as I have stated, and as we all know, that committee to

have been; and so entirely has the event justified our confidence, that we have been enabled to procure a report

an unanimous report-from that committee, affirming the existence of the plot, but without a hint at the suspiciousness of its origin. Why, sir, all this sounds very foolish, and it is so; but it is the creed, real or pretended, of those who say that the plot is the plot of ministers; and it is, as I have said, the ordinary course of those, who hardily deny what, according to all fair rules of evidence, they cannot avoid believing, to take refuge in some extravagant hypothesis, by which the most implicit credulity would be staggered." It had been asked what was the nature of the danger? "Why, sir, the danger to be apprehended is not to be defined in one word. It is rebellion, but not rebellion only; it is treason, but not treason merely; it is confisca tion, but not confiscation within such bounds as have been usually applied to it in the changes of dynasties, or the revolutions of states; it is an aggre gate of all these evils; it is all that dreadful variety of sorrow and of suffering which must follow the extinction of loyalty, morality, and religion; which must follow upon the accomplishment of designs, tending not only to subvert the constitution of England, but to overthrow the whole frame of society. Such is the nature and extent of the danger which would attend the success of the projects developed in the report of the commit. tee." It was said that the Spencean doctrines were mere idle and visionary speculations; but when their supporters came forth armed in furtherance of them, was it not time to be on our guard? He did not believe the Spenceans meant to make an equal partition of the land, but he believed they meant to spoil its present possessors. Ministers were far from feeling any wish to wield at pleasure an unconstitutional

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authority. "The executive government do not ask for these additional powers as a boon, (God knows they are no object of desire,) but for the due discharge of an embarrassing and distress ing duty, we feel bound to receive them as a trust-to support them as a burden, which we shall most unwillingly carry, and shall most gladly lay down. We ask them-we will accept them only for the conservation of the public safety. At our own suggestion, the duration of the most onerous and delicate part of this trust is to be limited to a period during which it will be exercised under the immediate observation of parliament. Does this look as if our application had in view any object which we fear to describe?" Besides, if the government demanded extraordinary powers, were not these extraordinary times? "Have we-has England ever seen the like before? We have had our share in this country of every species of political dissension; disputed titles to the crown; disputed rights to the people; invasions; rebellions; the struggles of rival dynasties; and civil wars both of politics and religion; but in all our varieties of agitation and convulsion, were we ever exposed to such pests as these of the present day? In our civil wars, there was enough of violence and of blood; but principle was opposed to principle, and honest and upright men might be found on either side. Republicanism was opposed to monarchy, and monarchy was overthrown; but the overthrow of monarchy was not effected for the sake of throwing all government into confusion-they destroyed not in those days for the sake of destruction alone. In religion, independency was opposed to episcopacy, and independency_triumphed; but it was still for some form of religion that the contest was carried on. It was not for the destruction of all religious principle; it was not the

opposition of mere negation to God. It was left for the reformers of modern times to endeavour to strip the mind of all reverence for the Deity, in order to prepare the man to become a mere instrument of ruin,-a remorseless agent of evil.”

The sense of the House upon this subject was strongly marked by the vote, in which, by a majority of 190 to 14, leave was given to bring in the bill. At the same time leave was given to bring in the other two bills announced by Lord Castlereagh. The Habeas Corpus Act having originated in the Lords, was to be received from that House.

In consequence of the rapidity with which the Habeas Corpus Bill had passed the House of Lords, the first reading was moved in the House of Commons on the 26th. It gave occasion to a long and animated debate.

Mr Bennet said, he would oppose in every stage this arbitrary, impolitic, and uncalled-for measure. After what had passed in the House that nightafter the statements of various members, and from various parts of the country, he was surprised that the noble lord opposite should move the first reading of this bill as a matter of course. He was surprised that no defence was offered, that no explanation was given, that no facts were stated, for the purpose of inducing the House to enact a measure which suspended all the benefits of the constitution, which enslaved the country, and placed the liberty of every man in it at the disposal of ministers. With regard to the report, he could not help being surprised that his friend Mr Ponsonby had disgraced himself by sitting in the committee, particularly in company with Lord Castlereagh. Similar charges had been brought forward against the country in 1794 and 1812, the falsehood of which had been afterwards proved by judicial evidence, and the

actual disturbances were found to have been in a great measure fomented by government. No man could condemn more than he blasphemous expressions and publications; but the existing laws upon this subject appeared to him quite sufficient for their suppression. Nothing was more ridiculous than the importance attached to the attempt of the 2d December. How was this mighty project to be accomplished? Could a hope be formed of success? Could there be the least danger apprehended from such wild and absurd projects? Could they suppose that they could overpower a garrison without spreading an alarm, in a case where a single watchman would not be surprised? He was willing to admit that some wild, mad, desperate, and mischievous enthusiasts might discuss the probability of success attend ing such enterprizes in ale-houses; that they might, in their ignorant and intoxicated societies, start such absurd ideas, but could there be any danger from such instruments? Was there not strength enough in the existing law to restrain their attempts? and because they were so frantic and foolish, was the liberty of the whole nation to be placed at the disposal of ministers? The pompous display of burlesque design in the report, compared with the instruments and the means of execution, put him in mind of a performance, which perhaps the right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr Canning) would remember better than he could, he meant the attack on the Abbey of Quedlinburg, (in the Anti-Jacobin.) To describe this enterprize in the style of that performance, there would be-Scene, Spafields-Time, morning-Enter waggon, with six men and the ammunition stocking. (A laugh.)—From Spafields they must proceed to blow up the bridges, with out sappers or miners; they must take the Bank, defended by its guard; they

must advance to summon the Tower, defended with artillery, and manned with soldiers; they must overpower all opposition, and take possession of the town. Was not such an absurdity, gravely advanced in the report, sufficient to throw discredit on the whole? Shame, shame, to those who could produce this absurdity to parliament, and, on the ground of its importance, call upon us for a surrender of our liberties! It was said that few of the higher, or even middling classes, were concerned in these proceedings. If there was any one, he ought to have been named. If there was none, then this part of the report insinuated a falsehood. The whole people were in this report libelled and arraigned; they were traduced in their characters, and were to surrender their freedom to such trash as this," trash" which was only fit to be trampled under feet. Yet upon vague and absurd allegations, the invasion of the constitution was justified, and measures were to be passed, by which he might be apprehended and imprisoned to-morrow, by the command, and during the pleasure, of the noble lord. "Though those," said the honourable gentleman, " in whom I have the greatest confidence were to require such a sacrifice-though ministers, whose conduct I was convinced had always tended to promote the public good-though my own friends made the demand, I would oppose them, till they shewed, in the necessity of the case, a justification of their proposals. I will never consent, therefore, to surrender the rights of the people, without such necessity, into the hands of such ministers as the noble lord, who would abuse the power intrusted to them, who have already imbrued their hands in the blood of their country, who have already been guilty of the most criminal cruelties."

Lord Castlereagh spoke to order. He felt it his duty to call upon the

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honourable member to state which individual member of the present government had criminally imbrued his hands in the blood of his country?

Mr Bennet said he charged the members of his majesty's government in their official situations, with having before called for the very same powers which they now required, and with having abused the trust then reposed in them, and afterwards covered their misconduct with a bill of indemnity. Lord Castlereagh. "I have then to say, that, if it has been asserted that I ever criminally imbrued my hands in the blood of my country, the honourable member has stated that which is false."

After some conversation by Lord Milton, Mr Yorke, Mr Wynn, &c. Mr Bennet said, that, though he would be the last man alive to retract anything he might have said, from any regard for the consequences which might ensue so far as they could affect himself, he had, however, no hesitation in saying, that the charges in question were meant generally, and were not intended to be confined to one individual. When he had spoken of a minister imbruing his hands in the blood of his country, he had not meant to speak of the two hands belonging to any individual member of the government, but he spoke of all that administration in whose time those scenes had passed in Ireland, which he should ever sincerely lament, and under which this very law was called for.

Lord Castlereagh, when he interrupted the honourable member, had thought the charge which he had made was directed personally against him. Now that he had heard the honourable gentleman say he meant it generally against the government of which he was a member, he had no cause to complain.

Mr Frankland Lewis and Mr Yorke supported the bill, and Mr Smyth of Cambridge opposed it.

Mr Robinson observed, that the union of Mr Ponsonby and Lord Castlereagh, so much deprecated by Mr Bennet, appeared to him the clearest proof of the solid grounds upon which the committee proceeded. It was easy to deny the facts reported by a committee of this nature, which could not with propriety state names and authorities. The Spenceans, however, were no new society; they had been mentioned in the report of 1801, under the name of Spensonians, their object then being the same as now, a general distribution of the property of the country. Many societies, meeting ostensibly for lawful purposes, carried on similar plans; and nothing appeared to him so dangerous as the unlawful oaths which were so generally administered.

Lord Althorp felt himself conscientiously called upon to vote against the bill.

The Lord Advocate of Scotland communicated some facts relative to that part of the kingdom to which he belonged. Publications had been recently circulated there, calculated to familiarise the popular mind with every immoral and seditious principle. Directions were given to watch very closely the conduct of those persons who were conspicuous in the seditions of 1796. The consequence was, that they were soon put in possession of information, that a regular conspiracy had been organized. It was found that an oath of the most dreadful import was used to bind together the members of this conspiracy.

"In awful presence of God, I, A. B., do voluntarily swear, that I will persevere in my endeavouring to form a brotherhood of affection amongst Britons of every description, who are considered worthy of confidence ; and that I will persevere in my endeavours to obtain for all the people in Great Britain and Ireland, not disqualified by crimes or insanity, the elective franchise at the

age of twenty-one, with free and equal representation, and annual parliaments; and that I will support the same to the utmost of my power, either by moral or physical strength, as the case may require; and I do further swear, that neither hopes, fears, or punishment, shall induce me to inform or give evidence against any member or members, collectively or individually, for any act or expression done or made, in or out, in this or similar societies, under the punishment of death, to be inflicted on me by any member or members of such society. So help me God, and keep me stedfast."

Many hundred persons were bound together by this oath, both in Glasgow and its vicinity. Soon afterwards information was obtained, that a meeting had been held, in which a motion was made for the purpose of modifying the oath, and of leaving out its most offensive terms; but such was the malignant disposition of that assembly, such its determination to have nothing to do with persons who would flinch from their horrid test, that the proposition of amendment was unanimously rejected. The result was, that at the next meeting several persons were apprehended while sitting in full conclave. Though these were all the persons who had been taken up, yet there were others in a different sphere of life, who ought to have been apprehended, and who would have been taken up, provided the evidence against them had been more satisfactory. This conspiracy was not confined to Glasgow; its ramifications extended through various parts of the kingdom; and so wide had the mischief spread, that he was in his conscience convinced that nothing but the passing of this bill could prevent the effusion of the blood of our fellowcitizens; for a riot once commenced, who could say where it would end? He deeply regretted the great misfortune that such a measure should be

necessary; but he was persuaded that the very safety and existence of the constitution was concerned, and that the constitution could not be preserved unless on this occasion one of its best and strongest bulwarks was suspended. Lord Milton still retained his opinion as to the dangerous nature of the designs of the disaffected, though he was surprised to hear the noble lord repeating the oath in question, which had been purposely kept back by the committee. Notwithstanding his conviction of the nefarious designs of many individuals throughout the country, he did not think there were a sufficient ground for removing the great bulwark to our liberties.

Mr Wynne considered the danger of the country as very serious, and entirely approved of the bill.

Sir Samuel Romilly again urged that no trial had been made of the efficacy of the existing laws, and conceived that the proposed suspension could not be agreed to without serious danger to our liberties.

Lord John Russell saw no ground whatever for the proposed suspension. He conceived it indispensible for the justification of such a measure, that persons within the country should be plotting with an enemy from without. There seemed nothing in the present danger which the existing laws were not sufficient to encounter. "The report of the committee refers to two objects-to the plot which broke out in Spa-fields, and to the system of clubs and combinations now carrying on. As to the first, though the story is told in very pompous language in the report, we know the fact to be, that a few miserable malcontents attempted a riot; that one man summoned the Tower; and that another party, which went to the Royal Exchange, was defeated by the Lord Mayor and Sir James Shaw. So that whatever the danger may have been previously, it is

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