ment.

THE distressed circumstances of the nation during this session, the stagnation of the agricultural and commercial interests, the diminished amount of the revenue, all appeared imperiously to call for economy and for reduction to the utmost extent possible. The nation, as formerly observed, was probably mistaken in expecting from this source any immediate relief; still economy being substantially excellent, it was well that government should by this impulse be urged to its full adoption. The Prince Regent, in his opening speech, had recommended this subject to the attention of the House; and the 7th February, Lord Castlereagh entered upon it at full length. He premised a view of the reductions which were intended to be effected in the different branches of the public expenditure.

First, then, he requested the attention of the House to the subject of the army expenditure; and, in comparing the expence for the present year with that for the last year, the best mode, perhaps, would be to consider the troops in France and India as out

of the question for the present, as these did not bear upon the estimates of the public expenditure of this country. With respect to the land forces, then, the numbers for the last year for this country, Ireland, and the colonies, was 90,000 men-53,000 for the home service, and 46,000 for the foreign establishment. The number at home was to be reduced by 5,000 men, the reduction of the troops abroad was to be 13,000; making a total reduction of 18,000 men. He did not at present think it necessary to state the particular circumstances which had regulated these reductions; but had no hesitation in stating, that they were made under a strong sense of the pressure of the moment. On that account, ministers had felt it necessary, in a great measure, to put out of view the military defence of these colonies against any external attack, and to consider merely what was necessary for internal security. He thought that the present circum. stances of the country justified that policy, because there might be a price beyond which it would be improper to go for putting these colonies in a com

plete state of defence. But as to the home department, there was no price that could be too great for that object; and the only question was, what was the proper and necessary force for the external and internal protection of the state, and the rights and liberties of the people? and events had pressed upon them of late which sufficiently proved, that the magistrates were unable to enforce the laws by means of the civil power alone, without the aid of a military force. The number, then, for the service of Great Britain, Ireland, and the colonies, would now be 81,016 men, as compared with 99,000, the number for the last year, there being a reduction of 5,000 men in the home establishment, and 13,000 in the colonial, a reduction upon the whole of 18,000 men. Then, as to the votes, the total number for which a vote had been taken last year was 150,000 men; the total number for which the vote of this year would be taken was only 123,000 men. The reason for this was, by the convention with France, the number of our troops there was to be reduced from 30,000 to 25,000 men, and the number of the government troops in India, from 20,000 to 17,000 men. So that the vote for the British, Irish, and colonial establishments, would be for this year 81,016 men, as compared with 99,000 men voted last year; and the total number voted for this year would be 123,000, instead of 150,000 voted last year. It would be proper, however, to mention, that a sum of L.200,000 would be required for regiments now in progress to reduction, but whose reduction had not yet been completed. Having stated this much as to the numbers of the army, he should proceed, in a summary way, to mention the charge for the army. The supplies for the regular land forces would be for this year about L.6,513,000, and, including the militia, L.7,500,000. The supplies for

the commissariat and barrack departments for Great Britain L.580,000, and for Ireland L.300,000, making a total for these departments of L.880,000. The army extraordinaries for this year would be L.1,300,000. The total charge for the army, except the ordnance, for this year, would be L.9,230,000, instead of L.10,564,000, which was the supply for 1816, making a diminution in the supply for army service, for the year 1817, of L.1,334,000, as compared with the charge of last year. With respect to the ordnance, the supply for last year for that department was L.1,696,OCO. In the present year, the charge for that service would be L.1,246,000, being a saving of L.450,000, as compared with the charge of last year. This saving was effected by the reduction of 3000 men, and other reductions in the artillery. It was proper to call the attention of the House to the circumstances, that of the L.6,538,000 for the regular forces, a sum of about L.2,551,000 was for services already given. All the halfpay and retired pensions had been included in the calculation; so that the sum required for the regular forces actually on service was only about four millions. Gentlemen, therefore, when they talked of reduction, ought to consider, that when reductions took place, the half-pay and pensions for retired services must, on the faith of the legislature, be paid; and, therefore, the reduction, in point of expence, has by no means kept pace with the reductions in point of numbers, compared with the sums paid to the troops when actually on service. When a body of troops was reduced, the expence was still continued to the amount of 1s. 3d. or nearly 1s. 2d. He now came to the naval establishment. The number voted last year was 33,000 men; the number for this year would be only 19,000 men, being a reduction

as

While

from L.28,000 to L.38,000. he deprecated all gloomy views of our situation, while he saw no reason for alarm or despondency, and entertained hopes of an alleviation of our burdens, even sooner than many would allow, he was as little disposed to deny, as he was ready to lament, that the country was suffering under the severest pressure, in every branch of its industry and resources; that this distress was as universal as it was severe; and that, from the highest to the lowest rank, through all classes of society, the hand of Providence was heavily felt. It was rather an aggravation than an alleviation of the sufferings of a generous people, to know that they did not suffer alone; but if our calamities could be soothed by a fellowship in distress, we need only look into Europe to find causes of consolation. No state on the continent, however small or great, no class of society were exempt from that pressure and exhaustion which were consequent up on a war of such extent. If he compared Great Britain with any one of these states, he should be led to describe her as comparatively happy. Comparisons of this kind, however, could not lighten our distress. Whatever was the lot of other nations, our sufferings were severe, our calamity was great; but if it was great, the ardour of those in affluent circumstances to relieve was likewise great. (Hear, hear!) That desire to lighten the burdens of the destitute, by sha ring them that generous sympathy which bound all classes of society together in this happy land, and diffused a general spirit of beneficence and charity-had wrought, not only within the limits of law, but had exerted itself in public and in private, with spontaneous efforts, beyond any thing ever witnessed on any former occasion. The example of England would be admired by the world, and would ope

rate a reduction of the evils felt over Europe. In the highest quarter, in the head of the government of this country, the same feelings and sympathies were shared that actuated his people. He not only sympathized with their distress, but was prepared to share their privations; and, from the spontaneous movement of his own mind, had expressed his determination to abstain from receiving, in the present state of distress, so much of the civil list as he could refuse, consistently with maintaining the dignity of his station, without doing what parliament would disapprove of incurring. His Royal Highness had given his commands to inform the House, that he meant to give up for the public service a fifth part of the fourth class of the civil list, which, it ought to be observed, was the only branch connected with the personal expences, or the royal state of the Sovereign; for all the other heads of charge included in the civil list, except the privy purse, were as much for paying public services as the sums included in the estimates he had this night mentioned. That branch of the civil list amounted to L.209,000, and his Royal Highness offered out of this and the privy purse, L.50,000 (hear, hear!) for the public service. The servants of the crown (as we understood the noble lord to say, for he spoke so low as to be inaudible in the gallery at this particular time,) had resolved to follow the example of their royal master, and to

surrender that part of their salaries which had accrued to them since the abolition of the property-tax; and he trusted that the whole of what would thus be given up might amount to a a sum not unworthy of the acceptance of the country, nor unbecoming their situation. He now came to the proposition already alluded to, of a committee to inquire into the income and expenditure of the country. Ballot

had been an usual mode of chusing such committees, and he was still inclined to think it a good one; but as it had been objected to, and Mr Brougham had revived an old joke of Mr Sheridan on the subject, he would now openly name the members proposed. It could not be expected, that he should name twenty-one individuals who could be considered as perfectly impartial. He confessed he had not observed, that the sentiments of that small class of men who wished to be considered as neutral and independent were treated with any respect by gentlemen on the opposite side: on the contrary, the House must have remarked, that if any class of men were treated by them with more of contempt, asperity, and sarcasm than another, it was that which set up a species of claim to independence and impartiality. This kind of claim seemed, indeed, to be resented by gentlemen opposite with a peculiar acrimony: so that he could not expect to form a committee out of that rare and pure class of members which would be at all acceptable to them. (A laugh.) For his part, he must frankly confess, that though he did not share that spirit to its full extent with which gentlemen opposite seemed imbued, yet he did go along with them to a certain extent; for in his conscience he believed that matters would be in no degree better, if there was no party management in that House; convinced as he was, that much of that splen. did and comparatively happy situation which the country enjoyed, was produced by the fair, manly, and liberal conflict of parties, and that it was by the determined competition of public parties that truth, wisdom, and public virtue, were often elicited. Men in office certainly ought not to predominate in such a committee; but a few of them were necessary for giving information. He would combine them

with some who were looking forward to office in the event of a change of administration, and with others not looking to office at all. The noble lord concluded with reading the following list :

Lord Castlereagh,
Chancellor of the
Exchequer,
Mr Ponsonby,
Mr Bankes,
Mr Long,
Mr Tierney,
Lord Binning,
Sir J. Newport,
Mr Peel,

Mr C. W. Wynn,

Mr Arbuthnot, Mr F. Lewis, Mr Huskisson,

Mr N. Calvert,

Mr D. Gilbert,

Mr Cartwright,
Mr Holford,
Mr E. Littleton,
Lord Clive,

Mr Gooch,

Sir T. Acland.

Mr Tierney said, that he could not be expected to be able at once to go through the whole of the details which the noble lord had brought forward. The noble lord had professed to give a very ample account of the expenditure of the great establishments, but he had left out what might be considered rather a material feature in the case, (a laugh,) and that was the income which was to meet this expenditure. From some expressions of the noble lord, it appeared that it was conceived that the machine of finance would go on without any increase to the debt: still there could scarcely be any mode of income devised which would not amount to the same thing: it would only be a question about putting in at one end, and taking out at the other. He was very far from wishing to encourage aspirit of despondency in the country; but he felt most strongly, what it seemed his Majesty's ministers were at last brought to feel, that now was the time for probing the subject to the bottom. He was, however, glad that the ministers at last saw what every body else had long seen-that the expences of the country should be reduced to some reasonable proportion with its means, He was gratified by learning the noble conduct of the Prince Regent, but