Mr. Acland.

end, I commit to your wisdom. And I am happy to add, that, as well from the affurances I have received, as from the general appearance of affairs in Europe, I fee no probability that the measures which you may adopt will be interrupted by difputes with any foreign power.

Mr. Acland moved, that an humble addrefs be presented to his Majefty; which motion he introduced with the following speech:

When I confider the importance of the fubject brought under our confideration by the King's moft gracious fpeech from the throne, that on our firmness or indecifion, the future fate of the British empire and of ages yet unborn will depend; when I behold the eyes of all Europe fixed on the temper and first proceedings of this affembly, I cannot arife without feeling the inferiority of my own abilities, and dreading to fink under a burthen I find myself almost unequal to bear; but if the kind indulgence of this houfe will fupport me, I will beg its attention but for a few moments, and then conclude with moving a dutiful addrefs to the King.

Reflecting, Sir, on the prefent fituation of America, fo greatly altered fince our laft meeting, when I fee her rifing from her fubordinate relation to this country, to the undifguifed affertion of independence and empire; when I attempt to deduce the confequences that will thence flow, not only to this country but to all Europe, I confess I ftand amazed at the extent of the object. But, Sir, however awful the fituation of public affairs may be, I hold it to be the firft duty of a great national affembly, deliberating on a great national concern, not to defpair of the republick; for whoever, Sir, attentively examines the fpirit of oppofition that has been fo long fomenting in America, who traces its courfe from its origin to its prefent enormous height, through all the various appearances under which artifice, paffion and intereft have alternately difguifed it, muft admit as I do, that the reducing America to a juft obedience to this country is not without its difficulties; but he will conclude with me too, 'that where the interefts of a great people are concerned, difficulties must be overcome not yielded to, nor are the difficul ties fuperior to the strength of the nation that has to encounter them. Recollect the ftrength, the refources and above all the spirit of the British nation, which when roufed knows no oppofition; let me remind you of thofe great, extenfive and fuccessful wars that this country has carried on before the continent of America was known; let me turn your attention to that period when you defended this very people from the attacks of

the

the most powerful and valiant nation in Europe, when your ar gave law, and your fleets rode triumphant on every coaft. Shall we be told then, that this people, whofe greatness is the work of our hands, and whofe infolence arifes from our divifions, who have mistaken the lenity of this country for its weakness, and the reluctance to punish, for a want of power to vindicate the violated rights of British fubjects; fhall we be told that such a people can refift the powerful efforts of this nation.

The fteps hitherto taken by Parliament have been marked by forbearance and moderation; for though it was well known that parts of America had been labouring to throw off the authority of this country, yet fo unwilling was Parliament to exert its arms, that during the laft feffion it continued to proceed by the coercion of civil power, trufting that the infatuation of the Americans would at laft ceafe, and the fword might remain peaceful within its fcabbard: but the Americans reasoned differently; they took advantage of our inclination to peace to prepare themfelves for war, and though it was contended at our last meeting that New England was not then in a state of rebellion, it cannot now be contended that America is not in a state of war. From the very beginning of this quarrel the point in difpute between us has been perpetually fluctuating, and whatever the original conteft might be, it is now loft in a conteft for independence and empire. That the Americans have been long contending for independence I believe I am not the only gentleman in the Houfe who is firmly perfuaded; but now they hold a higher tone, prefuming on a fuppofed invincibility of strength, they speak a clearer language.

The congrefs, in their obfervations on the conciliatory plan offered by Parliament laft year, triumphantly demand "what right Britain has to interfere with her government, fince the does not interfere with that of Britain ?" Is not this the language of an independent ftate? It is a language that might well become France or Spain, but which cannot be reconciled to any idea of obedience from a colony to a mother country. In the private intercepted correfpondence of their leaders, we find them boafting "of their labours in modelling a new government; raifing, clothing and fubfifting a large army, creating a marine, and founding an extenfive empire" but their actions ftill more loudly declare their intentions than their profeffions; they have raised an army, they are creating a marine, and the continental congrefs, under the affumed power of its own felf-created affembly, have iffued bills on continental

tinental credit; they have made war too, in all its forms, on the people of whom they would wish to be independent.

The question is now therefore reduced into a very short compafs, do gentlemen chufe to acquiefce in the independence of America, or to enforce their fubmiffion to this country by vigorous meafures? We fhall be told perhaps not only of the difficulties of fuch an enterprize, but of the few advantages we can draw from a country reduced by the calamities of war: but this argument has little weight with any one who confiders that the fame force which is fufficient to fubdue the difobedient fpirit of America, is alfo fufficient and will be exerted to repair her loffes, and alleviate her calamities. How foon were the mifchiefs of the last war repaired! how foon was commerce restored, and induftry reanimated in all parts of the world! But admitting this argument in its full force, admitting that America is regained, weakened and exhaufted by the unnatural ftruggle; compare this fituation with that of American independence; compare it with the perpetual lofs of thofe exclufive advantages you have hitherto enjoyed in her trade`; confider too, that the moment America is independent, fhe becomes the arbiter of your Weft-Indian trade, and a dangerous rival in many of the other branches of British commerce; from that moment the North, American merchant becomes the rival of the British merchant in every part of Europe, Afia, and Africa, whilft the European, the Afiatic and African merchant, will be received as favourably as the British through the whole American continent: and I must maintain, that it would have been better for this country that America had never been known, than that a great consolidated American Empire fhould exift independent of Britain.

Would gentlemen, not mutually reproaching each other for what has or has not been done, without paffion and without prejudice, confider what the exigency of affairs requires now to be done, they will perceive, whatever its origin might be, to fuch a height is this difpute now run, that no measures can be propofed that the Americans, confident in their own ftrength, would now accept, that would not terminate in real though perhaps not in nominal independence; as therefore there is now no medium left between their fubmiffion and their independence, those who think it for the advantage of this country that America fhould be reduced to a due fubmiffion to its legiflature, will of course ftrengthen the hands of the executive power for that conftitutional purpofe; thofe, if there are any fuch, who wish to fee America independent, may live to lament the confequences of their mif-judged partiality to

that

that country, fatal to the interefts of this, which ought to be, and I truft will be, the first and deareft object to the reprefentatives of British freeholders.

telton.

Governor Lyttelton feconded the motion for an addrefs. He Gov. Lyt expatiated on the neceffity of ftrengthening the hands of vernment, if coercive meafures were intended to be pursued.

He compared America to a chain, the upper part of which was ftrong, and the lower weak; he explained this, by faying, the northern colonies, or upper part of the chain, were ftrong, populous, and of courfe able to make refiftance; the fouthern colonies, or lower part, were weak, on account of the number of negroes in them. He intimated, if a few regiments were sent there, the negroes would rife, and embrue their hands in the blood of their mafters. He was against any conciliatory offers being made; faid this was the moft proper time to speak out; and thought, at all events, the honour of the nation required coercive meafures; that the colonies ought to be conquered and then to have mercy fhewn them; concluding, from Virgil, with parcere fubjectis et dedebellare fuperbos.

Lord John Cavendish moved an amendment to erase the Lord John whole addrefs, except the first paragraph, and to infert the fol- Cavendish. lowing instead :

That we behold, with the utmost concern, the diforders and difcontents in the British colonies, rather encreafed than diminished by the means that have been used to fupprefs and allay them; a circumftance alone fufficient to give this Houfe just reafon to fear, that those means were not originally well confidered, or properly adapted to anfwer the ends to which they were directed.

We are fatisfied by experience that the misfortune has, in a great measure, arifen from the want of full and proper information being laid before the Parliament of the true state and condition of the colonies; by reafon of which, meafures have been carried into execution injurious and inefficacious, from whence no falutary end was reasonably to be expected; tending to tarnish the luftre of the British arms, to bring difcredit on the wifdom of his Majesty's councils, and to nourish, without hope of end, a moft unhappy civil war.

Deeply imprefied with a melancholy ftate of public concerns, we fhall, in the fulleft information we can obtain, and with the most mature deliberation we can employ, review the whole of the late proceedings, that we may be enabled to difcover, as we fhall be moft willing to apply, the most effectual means of reftoring order to the diftracted affairs of

the

Sir James Lowiber

Mr. Wilkes.

the British empire, confidence to his Majefty's government, obedience, by a prudent and temperate ufe of its powers, authority of Parliament, and fatisfaction and happiness to all his people.

By thefe means we truft we shall avoid any occafion of having recourfe to the alarming and dangerous expedient of calling in foreign forces to the fupport of his Majefty's authority within his own dominions, and the ftill more dreadful calamity of fhedding British blood by British arms.

Sir James Lowther feconded this motion. He ftrongly urged the great impropriety and danger of vesting the important fortrelles of Gibraltar and Minorca in the hands of foreigners. He condemned the addrefs throughout; attacked the whole fyftem of colony government, and the measures arifing from it; and with peculiar energy, urged the interest he had in the event of those measures, the ftake he had to lofe, and the motives which might confequently be supposed to influence his conduct.

The Lord Mayor [Mr. Wilkes.] I entirely agree with the honourable gentleman who feconded the motion for an addrefs to his Majefty, that every man ought now to speak out; and in a moment fo important as the present to the whole empire, I think it ill becomes the dignity and duty of Parliament to lofe itself in fuch a fulfome, adulatory addrefs to the throne as that now propofed. We ought rather, Sir, to approach our Sovereign with found and wholesome advice, and even with remonftrances against the conduct of his minifters, who have precipitated the nation into an unjust, ruinous, felonious and murderous war. I call the war with our brethren in America an unjust, felonious war, because the primary cause and confeffed origin of it is, to attempt to take their money from them without their confent, contrary to the common rights of all mankind, and those great fundamental principles of the English conftitution, for which Hampden bled. I affert, Sir, that it is in confequence a murderous war, because it is an attempt to deprive men of their lives for standing up in the juft caufe of the defence of their property and their clear rights. It becomes no lefs a murderous war with refpect to many of our fellow-fubjects of this ifland; for every man, either of the navy or army, who has been fent by government to America, and has fallen a victim in this unnatural and unjust conteft, has been murdered by adminiftration, and his blood lies at their door. Such a war, I fear, Sir, will draw down the vengeance of Heaven upon this devoted kingdom.

I think this war, Sir, fatal and ruinous to our country. It abfolutely