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Rutledge, esqrs. now present in congress, and to /kingdoms, and elevated the house of Brunswick to the other delegates of this colony at Philadelphia, royalty. for their important services in the American congress.

Mr. President accordingly addressed himself to the hon. Mr. Middleton, and Mr. Rutledge, as follows:

Gentlemen-When the hand of tyranny, armed in hostile manner, was extended from Great Britain to spoil America of whatever she held most valuable, it was, for the most important purposes, that the good people of this colony delegated you to represent them in the continental congress, at Philadelphia. It became your business to ascertain the rights of America, to point out her violated franchises, to make humble representation to the king for redress, and, he being deaf to the cries of his American subjects, to appeal to the King of kings, for the recovery of the rights of an infant people, by the majesty of Heaven formed for future empire.

Worthy delegates! It is the judgment of your country that your conduct, of which I have marked the grand lines, in the American congress, is justifiable before God and man, and that, whatever may be the issue of this defensive civil war, in which, unfortunately, though gloriously, we are engaged, whether independence or slavery, all the blood, and all the guilt, must be imputed to British not to American counsels.-Hence your constituents, sensible of the propriety of your conduct, and of the benefits which, with the blessing of the Almighty, it is calculated to shed upon America, have constituted me, their instrument, as well to signify to you their approbation, as to present to you their thanks: and it is in the discharge of these duties that I now have the honor to address you.

In an important crisis, like the present, to receive the public thanks of a free people, is to receive the most honorable recompense for past services, and to deserve such thanks is to be truly great. I know In this most important business you engaged, that it is with pain such men hear their comas became good citizens; and, step by step, you imendations. Gentlemen, with the public recomdeliberately advanced through it, with a regret pense, I mean to pay into you my mite also; and and sorrow, and with a resolution and conduct, lest I wound your delicacy, when I mean only to that bear all the characters of ancient magnanimity. do justice to your merit, I forbear to particularize Your constituents, with a steady eye, beheld your what is already well known. I therefore confine progress. They saw the American claim of rights, myself; and I do most respectfully, in the name of the association for the recovery of American the congress, present to you, and to each of you, franchises, and the humble petition to the king the thanks of your country, for your important serfor redress of grievances. They saw the Ameri- vices in the American congress at Philadelphia. can appeal to the King of kings; and a second humble petition to the British monarch, alas! as un. availing as the first. They have also seen the establishment of an American naval force, a trea. sury, a general post-office, and the laying on a continental embargo: in short, they have seen permission granted to colonies to erect forms of go. vernment independent of, and in opposition to, the regal authority.

Boston, April 25, 1776.

The corporation of Harvard College in Cambridge, in New England, to all faithful in Christ, to whons these presents shall come greeting:

Whereas academical degrees were originally instituted for this purpose, that men, eminent for knowledge, wisdom and virtue, who have highly merited of the republic of letters, should be rewarded with the honor of these laurels, there is Your country saw all these proceedings, the the greatest propriety in conferring such honor on work of a body of which you were and are mem- that very illustrious gentleman, George Washingbers; proceedings arising from dire necessity, and ton, esq. the accomplished general of the connot from choice; proceedings that are the natural federated colonies in America; whose knowledge consequences of the present inauspicious reign; pro-and patriotic ardour are manifest to all; who, for ceedings just in themselves, and which, notwith his distinguished virtues, both civil and military, in standing the declarations of the corrupt houses of the first place being elected by the suffrages of parliament, the proclamation at the court of St. the Virginians one of their delegates, exerted himJames's, the 23d of August, and the subsequent self with fidelity and singular wisdom in the celeroyal speech in parliament, are exactly as far brated congress in America, for the defence of lidistant from treason and rebellion, as stands the berty, when in the utmost danger of being forever glorious revolution, which deprived a tyrant of his lost, and for the salvation of his country; and then,

at the earnest request of that grand council of try, requires an exertion of the greatest prudence patriots, without hesitation, left all the pleasures and abilities.

of his delightful seat in Virginia, and the affairs At a time, when our rights and privileges are of his own estate, that, through all the fatigues and invaded, when the fundamental principles of the dangers of camp, without accepting any reward, constitution are subverted, and those men whose he might deliver New England from the unjust duty should teach them to protect and defend us, and cruel arms of Great Britain, and defend the are become our betrayers and murderers; it calla other colonies; and who, by the most signal smiles aloud on every virtuous member of the community of Divine Providence on his military operations, to stand forth, and stem the prevailing torrent of drove the fleet and troops of the enemy with disgrace- corruption and lawless power.

ful precipitation from the town of Boston, which for eleven months had been shut, fortified and defend

The many and frequent instances of your attached by a garrison of above 7000 regulars; so that ment towards me, and an ardent desire to promote the inhabitants, who suffered a great variety of the welfare of my country, have induced me to hardships and cruelties while under the power of accept of this weighty and important trust; for their oppressors, now rejoice in their deliverance; your interest only I desire to act; and relying on the neighboring towns are also freed from the your aid and assistance in every difficulty, I shall tumults of arms, and our university has the agreea. always most confidently expect it. ble prospect of being restored to its ancient seat.

Some venal disaffected men may endeavor to Know ye, therefore, that we, the president and persuade the people to submit to the mandates of fellows of Harvard College in Cambridge, (with despotism; but surely every freeman would conthe consent of the honored and reverend overseers sider the nature, and inspect the designs and execu of our academy) have constituted and created the tion of that government, under which he may be aforesaid gentleman, George Washington, who called to live. The people of this province, in op. merits the highest honor, doctor of laws, the law posing the designs of a cruel and corrupt ministry, of nature and nations, and the civil law; and have have surmounted what appeared inseparable difgiven and granted him at the same time all rights, ficulties; and notwithstanding the artifice and adprivileges and honors to the said degree pertain dress that for a long time were employed to divert ing. their attention from the common cause, they, at length, by imperceptible degrees, succeeded, and In testimony whereof, we have affixed the com-declared their resolutions to assert their liberties, mon seal of our university to these letters, and and to maintain them, at all events, in concurrence subscribed them with our hand-writing, this third with the other associated colonies. For my part, day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand I most candidly declare that, from the origin of seven hundred and seventy-six.

SAMUEL LANGDON, S. T. D. Preses.
NATHANIEL APPLETON, S. T. D.
JOHANNES WINTHROP, Mat. et. Phi. P.
ANDREAS ELLIOT, S. T. D. (Hol.) L. L. D.
SAMUEL COOPER, S. T. D.

JOHANS WADSWORTH, Log. et. Eth. Pre.

Savannah, (Georgia) June 20, 1776.

these unhappy disputes, I heartily approved of the conduct of the Americans. My approbation was not the result of prejudice or partiality, but proceeded from a firm persuasion of their having acted agreeable to constitutional principles, and the dictates of an upright disinterested conscience.

We must all acknowledge our great obligations to our ancestors, for the invaluable liberties we Our provincial congress met here on the 6th inst. enjoy; it is our indispensible duty to transmit them when his excellency Archibald Bullock, esq. pre-inviolate to posterity; and to be negligent, in an sident and commander in chief of the province of affair of such moment, would be an indelible stain Georgia, delivered the following speech:

Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the congress

of infamy on the present æra. Animated with this principle, I shall think myself amply rewarded, if I can be so fortunate as to render any service to the cause of freedom and posterity.

The state of the province at your last meeting made it absolutely necessary to adopt some temporary regulations for the preservation of the pub- | Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congresslic pesce and safety; and your appointment of me Being sensible that colony matters of great imto carry these things into execution, at a time so portance will claim your attention at this meeting, critical and important to the welfare of this coun-I will not take up too much of your time from the

public business. Some further regulations respect- disposition; but I have received some accounts ing the courts of justice, the state of the continen- rather unfavorable. As this is of the highest contal battalions, and the better ordering of the sequence to the peace and welfare of the colony, militia of this province, will necessarily be the I would here suggest, whether it would not be subject of your disquisitions.

necessary to enter into some resolves, in order to prevent any future misunderstanding between them and oar back settlers; and to this I think I may add, that the putting the province in the best posture of defence, would be an object very requisite at this juncture.

You must be convinced of the many difficulties we labor under, arising from the number that still remain among us, under the shelter of an affected neutrality. The arguments alleged for their con duct, appear too weak to merit a refutation. This The continental congress have always been is no time to talk of moderation: in the present solicitous to promote the increase and improve. instance it ceases to be a virtue. An appeal, an ment of useful knowledge, and with the highest awful appeal, is made to Heaven, and thousands of satisfaction contemplating the rapid progress of lives are in jeopardy every hour. Our northern brethren point to their wounds, and call for our most vigorous exertions; and God forbid that so noble a contest should end in an infamous conclusion. You will not, therefore, be biassed by any suggestions from these enemies of American li berty, or regard any censure they may bestow on the forwardness and zeal of this infant colony. You must evidently perceive the necessity of making some further laws respecting these nonassociates; and though there may be some who appear at present forward to sign the association, yet it becomes us to keep a watchful eye on the

motive and conduct of these men, lest the public

good should be endangered through this perfidy and pretended friendship.

By the resolves of the general congress, the inhabitants of the united colonies are permitted to trade to any part of the world, except the dominions of the king of Great Britain; and in consequence of which, it will be necessary to fix on some mode of proceeding, for the clearance of vessels and other matters relative thereto; and perhaps you may think it further requisite, to appoint proper officers to despatch this business, that the adventurers in trade may meet with as little obstruc. tion as possible. And I would at the same time recommend to your consideration, the exorbitant prices of goods, and other necessaries of life, in the town of Savannab, and every part of the province. This certainly requires some immediate regulations, as the poor must be greatly distressed by such alarming and unheard of extortions.

the arts and sciences in America, have thought proper to recommend the encouraging the manufactory of salt-petre, sulphur, and gun-powder.The process is extremely easy, and I should be very glad to see any of the good people of this province exerting themselves in the manufacture of these useful and necessary articles. If they once consider it is for the public good, they will need

no other inducement.

Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress

Remember in all your deliberations you are engaged in a most arduous undertaking. Generations yet unborn may owe their freedom and happi. ness to your determination, and may bestow bles. sings or execrations on your memory, in such manner as you discharge the trust reposed in you by your constituents. Thoughts like these will influence you to throw aside every prejudice, and to exert your utmost efforts to preserve unanimity, firmness and impartiality in all your proceedings. ARCHIBALD BULLOCK.

The Bishop of St. Asaph's Speech.
The following piece, wrote by the Rev. Dr. JONATHAN

SHIPLEY, late bishop of St. Asaph, was intended to
have been spoken in the house of lords on the bill for
altering the charter of the colony of the Massa-
chusetts Bay; and is now exhibited to the public
for their perusal: It is the whole of the pamphlet,
save an advertisement that preceded the work, whicht
we thought needless to insert.

[Maryland Gazette, Sept. 29, 1774. It is of such great importance to compose, or even to moderate, the dissensions which subsist With respect to Indian affairs, I hoped to have at present between our unhappy country and her the pleasure of assuring you, from the state of the colonies, that I cannot help endeavoring, from the proceedings of the commissioners, that they were faint prospect I have of contributing something to in every respect friendly and warmly attached to so good an end, to overcome the inexpressible our interest, and that there was the greatest rea reluctance I feel at uttering my thoughts before son to expect a continuance of the same friendly the most respectable of all audiences.

The true object of all our deliberations on this occasion, which I hope we shall never lose sight of, is a full and cordial reconciliation with North America. Now I own, my lords, I have many doubts whether the terrors and punishments we hang out to them at present are the surest means of producing this reconciliation. Let us at least do this justice to the people of North America, to own that we can all remember a time when they were much better friends than at present to their mother country. They are neither our natural nor our determined enemies. Before the stamp-act, we considered them in the light of as good subjects as the natives of any county in England.

It is worth while to enquire by what steps we first gained their affection, and preserved it so long; and by what conduct we have lately lost it.

Such an enquiry may point out the means of restoring peace, and make the use of force unnecessary against a people, whom I cannot yet forbear to

consider as our brethren.

much lessened the pleasure I used to feel in thinking myself an Englishman. We ought surely not to hold our colonies totally inexcusable for wish. ing to exempt themselves from a grievance, which has caused such unexampled devastation; and, my lords, it would be too disgraceful to ourselves, to try so cruel an experiment more than once. Let us reflect, that before these innovations were thought of, by following the line of good conduct which had been marked out by our ancestors, we governed North America with mutual benefit to them and ourselves. It was a happy idea, that made us first consider them rather as instruments of commerce than as objects of government. It was wise and generous to give them the form and the spirit of our own constitution; an assembly, in which a greater equality of representation has been preserved them at home, and councils and gover.

nors, such as were adapted to their situation, though they must be acknowledged to be very inferior copies of the dignity of this house, and the majesty of the crown.

It has always been a most arduous task to goBut what is far more valuable than all the rest, vern distant provinces, with even a tolerable ap we gave them liberty. We allowed them to use pearance of justice. The viceroys and governors their own judgment in the management of their of other nations are usually temporary tyrants, who own interest. The idea of taxing them never think themselves obliged to make the most of their entered our heads. On the contrary they have time; who not only plunder the people, but carry experienced our liberality on many public occaaway their spoils, and dry up all the sources of sions: we have given them bounties to encourage commerce and industry. Taxation, in their hands, their industry, and have demanded no return but is an unlimited power of oppression: but in what what every state exacts from its colonies, the advanever hands the power of taxation is lodged, it tages of an exclusive commerce, and the regulaimplies and includes all other powers. Arbitrary tions that are necessary to secure it. We made taxation is plunder authorised by law: it is the requisitions to them on great occasions, in the support and the essence of tyranny, and has done same manner as our princes formerly asked bene. more mischief to mankind, than those other three volences of their subjects; and as nothing was asked scourges from Heaven, famine, pestilence and the but what was visibly for the public good, it was sword. I need not carry your lordship out of your always granted; and they some times did more than own knowledge, or out of your own dominions, to we expected. The matter of right was neither make you conceive what misery this right of taxa-disputed, nor even considered. And let us not ⚫tion is capable of producing in a provincial govern- forget that the people of New-England were them. ment. We need only recollect that our country-selves, during the last war, the most forward of all men in India have, in the space of five or six years, in the national cause; that every year we voted in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved, and driven away more inhabitants from Bengal, than are to be found at present in all our American colonies; more than all those formidable numbers Aix-la-Chapelle, by furnishing us with the only which we have been nursing up for the space of two hundred years, with so much care and success, to the astonishment of all Europe. This is no exaggeration, my lords, but plain matter of fact, collected from the accounts sent over by Mr. Hast ings, whose name I mention with honor and veneration. And, I must own, such accounts have very

21.

them a considerable sum, in acknowledgment of their zeal and their services; that, in the preceding war, they alone enabled us to make the treaty of

equivalent for the towns that were taken from our allies in Flanders; and that, in times of peace, they alone have taken from us six times as matrch of our woolen manufactures as the whole kingdom of Ireland. Such a colony, my lords, not only from the justice, but from the gratitude we owe them, ave a right to be heard in their defence; and if

their crimes are not of the most inexpiable kind,, it well deserves your serious consideration. The I could alnrost say, they have a right to be forgiven.true cause is, that a mother-country never existed before, who placed her natives and her colonies on the same equal footing; and joined with them in fairly carrying on one common interest.

But in the times we speak of, our public intercourse was carried on with ease and satisfaction We regarded them as our friends and fellow citi. zens, and relied as much upon their fidelity as on the inhabitants of our own country. They saw our power with pleasure, for they considered it only as their protection. They inherited our laws, our language, and our customs; they preferred our manufactures, and followed our fashions with a partiality that secured our execlusive trade with them more effectually than all the regulations and vigilance of the custom house. Had we suffered them to enrich us a little longer, and to grow a little richer themselves, their men of fortune, like the West-Indians, would undoubtedly have made this country the place of their education and resort. For they looked up to England with reverence and affection, as to the country of their friends and ancestors. They esteemed and they called it their home, and thought of it as the Jews once thought of the land of Canaan.

You ought to consider this, my lords, not as a mere historical fact, but as a most important and invaluable discovery. It enlarges our ideas of the power and energy of good government beyond all former examples; and shews that it can act like gravitation at the greatest distances. It proves to a demonstration that you may have good subjects in the remotest corner of the earth, if you will but treat them with kindness and equity. If you have any doubts of the truth of this kind of reasoning, the experience we have had of a different kind will entirely remove them.

The good genius of our country had led us to the simple and happy method of governing freemen, which I have endeavored to describe. Our ministers received it from their predecessors and for some time continued to observe it; but without knowing its value. At length, presuming on their own wisdom, and the quiet dispositions of the Americans, they flattered themselves that we might reap great advantages from their prosperity by destroying the cause of it. They chose, in an unlucky hour, to treat them as other nations have thought fit to treat their colonies; they threatened, and they taxed them.

I do not now enquire whether taxation is matter of right; I only consider it as matter of experiment: for surely the art of government itself is founded on experience. I need not suggest what were the

Now, my lords, consider with yourselves what were the chains and ties that united this people to their mother-country with so much warmth and affection, at so amazing a distance. The colonies of other nations have been discontented with their treatment, and not without sufficient cause; always murmuring at their grievances, and some times breaking out into acts of rebellion. Our subjects at home, with all their reasons for satisfaction, have never been entirely satisfied. Since the beginning of this century we have had two rebellions, several plots and conspiracies; and we ourselves been consequences of this change of measures. The evils witnesses to the most dangerous excesses of sedition. But the provinces in North America have engaged in no party, have excited no opposition, they have been utter strangers even to the name of whig and tory. In all changes, in all revolutions, they have quietly followed the fortunes and submitted to the government of England.

produced by it were such as we still remember and still feel. We suffered more by our loss of trade with them, than the wealth flowing in from India was able to recompense. The bankruptcy of the East-India company may be sufficiently accounted for by the rapine abroad and the knavery at home; but it certainly would have been delayed some years, had we continued our commerce with them in the single article of tea. But that and many other branches of trade have been diverted into other channels, and may probably never return entire to their own old course. But what is worst of all, we have lost their confidence and friendship; we have ignorantly undermined the most solid foundation of our own power.

Now let me appeal to your lordships as to men of enlarged and liberal minds, who have been led by your office and rank to the study of history Can you find in the long succession of ages, in the whole extent of human affairs, a single instance where distant provinces have been preserved in so flourishing a state, and kept at the same tim in such due subjection to their mother-country? My lords, there is no instance; the case neve: In order to observe the strictest impartiality, it existed before. It is perhaps the most singula is but just for us to enquire what we have gained phenomenon in all civil history; and the cause of by these taxes as well as what we have lost. I am

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