as compared with i self at these two periods, with of nost fortunate men of his age, bad opened to him in this century; and this is matierf r meditation in vision, that when, in the fourth generation, the Birt this is not wil. Examine my second account. bird prince of the house of Brunswick bad sat See how the export trade to the colonies alone, in welve-years on the throne of that nation, which 1772, stood in the other point of view, that is, as (by the happy issue of moderate and healing coun. compared to the whole trade of England, in 1704 cils) was to be made Great Britain, he should see The whole expore rade of England, in

bis son, lord Chancellor of England, turn back the cluding that to the colonjes, in 1704, 6 509,000 current of hereditary dignity to its fountain, and Export to the colonies alone, in 1772 6,024,000 fraise him to an higher rank of peerage, whilst he

enriched the family with a new one; if, amidst tbese Difference

485,0,0 bright and happy scenes of domestic honor and

prosperity, that angel should bave drawn up thie The trade with Americi alone is now within less curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of his than €500,000 of being equal to what this great country, and whilst he was gazing with admiration commercial nation, England, carried on at the on the then commercial grandeur of Engiand, the beginning of this century wih tię whole world! genius should point out to him a little speck, scarce If I had takrn the largest year of those on your visible in the mass of the national interest, a small tabie, it would rather have exceeded. But it will seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and be said, is not this Aincrican trade an unnaturai should tell bim-"young man, there is America, protuberance, that has drawn the juicas from the which at this day serves for little more than to rest of the body? The reverse. It is the very amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth food that has nourished every other part into its manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, shew presen. magnitude. Our general trade has been itself equal to the whole of that commerce which greaily aug nented; and augmented more or less now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever in almost every part to which it ever extended; England has heen growing to by a progressive in. but with this material difference, that of the six crease of improvements, brought in by variety of millions which, in the beginning of the century, people, by succession of civilizing conquests and constituted the whole mass of our export com

civilizing set'lements in a series of seventeen merce, the colony tra le was but one i welfth part: hundred years, you shall see as much added to her it is now (as a part of seventeen millions) considera. by America, in the course of a single life!" If this bly more than a third of the whole. This is the state of his country had been foretold to him, would relative propuri ion of the importance of the colo-it not require all the sanguine credulity of youth, nies at these two periods; and all reason concern.

and all the fervid glow of entbusiasm, to make him ing our male of treating them must have this pro-believe it?-Fortunate man, he has lived to see it! portion as its basis, or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, Fortunate indeed, if he lives to see nothing that and sophistical.

shall vary the prospect, and cloud the setting of Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail upon myself to his day! hurry over this great consideration. It is good for

Excuse me, sir, if turning from such thoughts I us to be here. We stand where we have an immense

resume this comparative view once more. You view of what is, and what is past. Clouds indeed,

have seen it on a large scale; look at it on a small and darkness rest upon the future. Let us, how

one. I will point out to your attention a particular ever, before we descend from this noble eminence, reflect that this growth of our national prosperity

instance of it in the single province of Pennsylvania. bas happened within the sbort period of the life of

In the year 1704 that province called for £11,459

in value of your commodities, native and foreign. It bas bappened within sixty-eight years. man. There are those siive, whose memory might touch

This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772! the two extremities! For instance, my lord Bathurs: Why, nearly fifty times as much, for in that year

the export to Pennsylvania was £507,909 nearly might remember all the stages of the progress. He was, in 1704, of an age at least to be made to com.

equal to the export to all the colunges together in

cbe first period. prehend such things; he was then old enough, acta parentum jam legere, el quæ sit proterit cogoosore I choose, sir, to enter into these minute and par. virtus. Suppose, sir, that the angeloftbis auspicious ticular details; because generalities, which in all youti, foreseeing the many virtues, which made other cases are apt to highten and raise the subject, him one of the most amiable, as he is one of tbe 'have here a tendency to sink it. When we speak,

of the commerce with our colonies, fiction lags, than the accumulated winter of both the poles. We sfter truth; invention is unfruitful; and imagination know that whilst some of them draw the line and cold and barren.

strike the barpoon on the coast of Africa, others

run the longitude, and pursue the gigantic game So far, sir, as to the importance of the object

along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is the view of its commerce, as concerned in the ex

vexed by their fisheries; no climale that is not poris from England. If I were to detail the im

witness to their toils. Neither the perseverance ports, I could shew bow many enjoyments they of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the procure which deceive the burthen of life; how

dextrous and firm sagacity of English enterprize, many materials which invigorate the springs of

ever carried this most perilous mode of bardy innationalindustry, and extend and animate every part

dustry to the extent to which it has been pushed of our foreign and domestic commerce. This would

by this recent people; a people who are still, as it be a curious subject indeed; but I must prescribe

were, but in the gristle, and not yet hardened into bounds to myself in a matter so vast and various.

the bone of manhood. When I contemplate these I pass, therefore, to the colonies in another point things; when I know that the colonies in general owe of view—their agriculture. This they have pro- little or nothing to any care of ours, and that they secuted with such a spirit, that, besides feeding are not squeczed into this happy form by the plentifully their own growing multitude, their constraints of wa!chful and suspicious government, annual export of grain, comprehending rice, has but that, through a wise and salutary neglect, a some years ago exceeded a million in value; of their generous nature has been suffered to take her own last barvest, I am persuaded they will export much way to perfection; when I reflect upon these efforts, more. Ai the beginning of the century some of when I see how profitable they bave been to us, I these colonies imported corn from the mother feel all the pride of power sink, and all presumption country. For some time past the old world has in the wisdom of human contrivances melt, and die been fed from the new. The scarcity which you away within me. My rigour relents. I pardon have felt would have been a desolating famine, if something to the spirit of liberty. this child of your old age, with a true filial piety,

I am sensible, sir, that all which I bave asserted with a Roman charity, had not put the full breast

in my detail, is admitted in the gross; but that quite of its youthful exuberance to the mouth of its

a different conclusion is drawn from it. America, exhausted parent.

gentlemen, I say is a noble object. It is an object As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn well worth fighting for. Certainly it is, if fighting from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that

people be the best way of gaining them; gentlematter fully opened at your bar; you surely thought men, in this respect, will be led to their choice of those acquisitions, for they seemed even to excite means by their complexions and their habils. Those your envy; and yet the spirit, by which that enter- who understand the military art, will of course liave prizing employment bas been exercised, ought some predilection for it. Those who wield the rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteemthunder of the state, may have more confidence in and admiration. And pray, sir, what in the world the efficacy of arms. But I confess, possibly for is equal to it? Pass by the otber parts, and look want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more at the manner in wbich the people of New England in favor of prudent management than of force; con have of late carried on the wbale fishery. Whilst sidering force not as an odious, but a feeble instru. we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ment, for preserving a people, so numerous, so ac. ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest tive, so growing, so spirited as this, in a profitable frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, and subordinate connexion with us. whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic

First, sir, permit me to observe that the use of circle, we hear that they have pierced into the

force alone is but temporary; it may subdue for a opposite region of polar cold; that they are at the

moment, but it does not remove the necessity of antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serpent

subduing again; and a nation is not governed, which of the south. Falkland island, which seemed too

is perpetually to be conquered. remote and romantic an object for the grasp el national ambition, is but a stage and resting place My next object is its uncertainty; terror is not in the progress of their victorious industry. Nor always the effect of force; and an armanent is not is the equinoctial heat more discouraging to them la victory. If you do not succeed, you are without

resurce; for, conciliation failing, torce remains:( directions which this spirit tak-s, it will not be but, force failing, no further hope of reconciliation amiss to lay open somewhat more largely. is left. Power and authority are sometimes bough

First, the people of the colonies are descendents by kindness; but they can never be begged as alms

of Englishmen. England, sir, is a nation which by an impoverished and defeated violence.

still I hope respects, and formerly adored her A farther objection to force is, that you impair the freedom. The colonists emigrated from you, when object by your very endeavors to preserve it. The this part of ynur character was most predominant; thing you fought for, is not the thing which you re. and they took this bias and direction the moment cover; but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consum. they parted from your hands. They are therefore ed in the contest. Nothing less will content me not only devoted to liberty, bu: to liberty accord. than whole America. I do not choose to consume ing to English ideas, and on English principles. its strength along with our own, because in all Abstract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is parts it is the British sirergth that I consume. I not be found Liberty inheres in some sensible obdo not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy atject; and every nation has formed to itself some the end of this exhausting conflici; and still less favorite point which by way of eminence becomes in the midst of it. I may escape, but I can make the criterion of their happiness. It happened, you no insurance against such an event. Let me ada, know, sir, that the great contests for freedom in that I do not choose wholly to break the Amerilihis country were from the earliest times chiefly can spiris, because it is the spirit that has made tbe upon the question of taxing. Most of the contests country.

in the ancient commonwealihs turned primarily on

the right of election of magistrates; or on the Lastly, we have no sort of experience in favor balance among the several orders of the state. The of force as an instrument in the rule of our colonies ques jon of money was not with them so immediate. Their growth and their utility has been owing to But in England it was otherwise, on this point of methods altogether different. Our ancient indul taxes, the ablest pens, and most eloquent tongues. gence has been said to be pursued to a fault. I bave been exercised; the greatest spirits have acted may be so. But we know, if feeling is evidence, and suffered. that our fault was more tolerable than our attempi

In order to give the fullest satisfaction concerne to mend it, and our sin far more salutary iban our

ing the importance of this point, it was not only penitence.

necessary for those, who in argument defended the These, sir, are my reasons Ar not entertaining excellence of the English constitution, to insist on that high opinion of untried force, by which many bis privilege of granting money as a dry point of gentlemen, for whose sentiments in other particulars fact, and to prove that the right had been acknow. I have great respect, seem to be so greatly captivat- ledged in ancient parchments and blind usages, to ed. But there is still behind a third consideration reside in a certain body called an house of com. concerning this object, which serves to determine mons. They went much further; they attempted my opinion on the sort of policy which ought to be ti prove, and they succeeded, that in theory it pursued in the managemeni of America, even more ought to be so from the particular nature of a than its population and its commerce, I mean its ouse of commons, as an immediate representa. temper and character.

tive of the people, whether the old records had

elivered this oracle or not. They took infinite In this character of the Americans a love of free pairs 10 inculcare, as a fundamení al principle, ibat dom is the predominating feature, wbich marks and in all monarchies the people must in effect themdistinguishes the whole; and as an ardent is always selves mediately or immediately posses the power a jealous.ffection, your colonies become suspicious, of granting their own money, or no shadow of lirestive, and untractable, whenever they see the least berty could subsist. The colonies draw from you, attempt to wrest from them by force, or shuffle as with their life blood, these ideas and principles. from them by chicane, what they think the only Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached advantage worth living for. This fierce spirit of on this specífic point of taxing. Liberty might be liberty is stronger in the English colonies probabıy safe, or might be endangered in twenty otber par. than in any other people of the earth, and this from iculars, without their being much pleased or a great variety of powerful causes; which, to under alarmed. Here they felt its pulse; and as they stand the true femper of their minds, and the found that beat, they thought themselves sick or

sound. I do not say whether they were right or spirit of liberty, is predominant in most of the wrong in applying your general arguments to their worthern provinces; where the church of England, own case. It is not easy indeed to make a monopoly jnotwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no of theorems and corollaries. The fact is, that they more than a sort of private sect; not composing did thus apply those general arguments; and your most probably the tenth of the people. The colonists mode of governing them, whether through lenity left England when this spirit was high: and in the or indolence, through wisdom or mistake, confirm emigrants was the highest of all, and even that them in the imagination that they, as well as you, strain of foreigners, which has been constantly had an interest in these common principles.

Aowing into these colonies, bas for the greatest

part, been composed of dissenters from the estab. They were further confirmed in this pleasing lishments of their several countries; and have error by the form of their provincial legislative

brought with them a temper and character far from assemblies. Their governments are popular in an

alien to that of a people with wbom they mixed. high degree, some are merely popular; in all, the popular representative is the most weighty; and Sir, I can perceive, by their manner, that some this share of the people in their ordinary govern- gentleman object to the latirude of this description: ment never fails to inspire them with lofty senti. because in the southern colonies the church of Eng. ments, and with a strong aversion from whatever land forms a large body, and has a regular establish. tends to deprive them of their chief importance.

ment. It is certainly true. There is, however, &

circumstance atiending these colonies, which in my If any thing were wanting to this necessary opera- opinion, fully counterbalances this difference, and tion of the form of government, religion would bave makes the spirit of liberty still more high and given it a complete effect. Religion, always a prin baughty than in those to the northward. It is that ciple of energy, in this new people, is no way worn in Virginia and the Carolinas, they have a vast out or impaired; and their mode of professing it is multitude of slaves. Where this is the case in any also one main cause of this free spirit. The peo- part of the world, those who are free, are by far ple are protestants; and of that kind which is the the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Free. most averse to all implicit submission of mind and dom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind opinion.

of rank and privilege. Not seeing there that free. This is a persuasion not only favorable to liberty

dom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, but built upon it. I do not think, sir, that the rear and as broad and general as the air, may be united

with much abject toil, with great misery, with all son of this averseness in the dissenting churches,

the exterior of servilude, liberty looks amongst from all that looks like absolute government, is 80 much to be sought in their religious tenets, as in

them like something that is more noble and liberal.

I do not mean, sir, to commend the superior tbeir history. Every one knows, that the Roman Catholic religion is at least coeval with most of the morality of this sentiment, which has at least as

much pride as virtue in it, but I cannot alter the governments where it prevails; that it bas generally

nature of man. The fact is so, ad these people gone hand in hand with them, and received great

of the southern colonies are much more strongly, favor and every kind of support from authority.

and with an higher and more stubborn spirit, The church of England too was formed from her cradle under the nursing care of regalar govern.

attached to liberty than those of the northward,

Such were all the ancient commonwealths; such ment. But the dissenting interests have sprung

were our Gothic ancestors; such in our days were up in direct opposition to all the ordinary powers

the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves, of the world; and could justify that opposition

who are not slaves themselves. In such a people only on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their

the haughtiness of domination combines with the very existence depended on the powerful and

spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invinci. unremitted assertion of that claim. All Pro

ble. testantism, even the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But the religion most prevalent in To impoverish the colonies in general, and in our northern colonies, is a refinement on the prin particular to arrest the noble course of their marine ciple of resistance, it is the diffidence of dissent; enterprizes, would be a more easy task, I freely and the protestantism of the protestant religion. confess it. We have shewn a disposition even to This religion, under a variety of denominations, continue the restraint after the offence, looking agrecing is nothing but in the communion of the on ourselves as rivals to our colonies, and persued.

man art.

ed that of course we must gain all that they shall Virginia and the southern colonies, it has been pre lose. Much mischief we may certainly do. The posed, I know, to reduce it by declaring a general power inadequate to all other things is often more enfranchisement of their slaves. This project has than sufficient for this. I do not look on the direct had its advocates and panegyrists; yet I never could and immediate power of the colonies to resist our argue myself into an opinion of it. Slaves are often violence as very formidable. In this, however, I much attached to their masters. A general wild may be mistaken. But wben I consider, that we offer of liberty would not always be accepted. have colonies for no purpose but to be serviceable History furnishes few instances of it. It is someto us, it seems to my poor understanding a little times as hard to persuade slaves to be free, as it preposterous, to make them unserviceable, in order is to compel freemen to be slaves, and in this to keep them obedient. It is, in truth, nothing auspicious scheme, we should have both these more than the old, and, as I thought, exploded pleasing tasks on our bands at once. But when problem of tyranny, which proposes to beggar its we talk of enfranchisement, do we not perceive subjects into subroission. But remember when that the American masters may enfranchise too, you have completed your system of impoverish. and arm servile hands in defence of freedom! A ment, that nature still proceeds in her ordinary

measure to which other people have bad recourse course; that discontent will increase with misery;

more than once, and not without success, in a and that there are critical moments in the fortune desperate situation of their affairs. of all states, when they, who are too weak to con. Slaves, as these unfortunate black people are, and tribute to your prosperity, may be strong enough dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a to complete your ruin. Spoliatis arma supersunt. little suspect the offer of freedom from that very

The temper and character, which prevail in our nation which has sold them to their present mas. colonies, are, I am afraid, unalterable by any hu. ters! From that nation, one of whose causes of

We cannot, I fear, falsify the pedigree quarrel with those masters, is their refusal to deal of this fierce people, and persuade them that they any more in that inhuman traffic? An offer of freeare not sprung from a nation, in whose veins the dom from England would come raiher oddly, blood of freedom circulates. The language, in shipped to them in an African vessel, which is which they would hear you tell them this tale, refused an entry into the ports of Virginia and would detect the imposition; your speech would Carolinia, with a cargo of three hundred Angola betray you. An Englishman is the unfittest per negroes. It would be curious to see the Guines son on earth to argue another Englishman into captain attempting at the same instant to publish slavery.

his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise his

sale of slaves. I think it is nearly as little in our power to change their republican religion, as their free

But let us suppose all these moral difficulties descent; or to substitute the Roman Catholic as a

got over. The ocean remains. You cannot pump penalty, or the church of England as an inprove.

this dry, and as long as it continues in its present ment. The mode of inquisition and dragooning

bed, so long all the causes which weaken autbority is going out of fashion in the old world, and I

by distance will continue. “Ye Gods annihilate should not confide much to their efficacy in the but space and time, and make two lovers happy!" new. The education of the Americans is also on

Was a pious and passionate prayer, bui just as the same unalterable bottom with their religion.

reasonable as many of the serious wishes of very You cannot persuade them to burn their books of grave and solemn politicians. curious science; to banish their lawyers from their If then, sir, it seems almost desperate to think courts of law, or 10 quench the lights of their assem of any alternative course for changing the moral blies, by refusing to choose those persons who are causes (and not quite easy to remove the natural) best read in their privileges. It would be no less which produce prejudices irreconcileable to the impracticable to think of wholly annihilating the late exercise of our autbority; but that the spirit popular assemblies, in which these lawyers sit.- infallibly will continue, and continuing, will proThe army, by which we must govern in their place, duce such effects, as now embarrass us, the second would be far more chargeable to us, not quite so mode under consideration is to prosecute that effectual, and perlaps in the end, full as difficult spirit in its overt acts as criminial. to be kept in obedience.

At this proposition I must pause a moment. The With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of thing seems a great deal too big for my ideu of

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