His judgment was too solid to be duped by appearances, and his heart too firm and manly, to be amused by false and flattering hopes.-He had long since read the true character of the British court, and saw that no alternative remained for his country, but abject submission, or heroic resistance. It was not for a soul like Henry's, to hesitate between these courses. He had offered upon the altar of liberty no divided heart. The gulph of war which yawned before him, was indeed fiery and fearful. But he saw that the awful plunge was inevitable. The body of the convention, however, hesitated. They cast around a "longing lingering look" to those flowery fields, on which peace and ease and joy were still sporting, and it required all the energies of a Mentor, like Henry, to push them from the precipice, and conduct them over the stormy sea of the revolution, to liberty and glory. The convention being formed, and organized for business, proceeded in the first place to express their unqualified approbation of the measures of congress, and to declare that they considered this whole continent as under the highest obligations to that respectable body for the wisdom of their

councils, and their unremitted endeavors to main

tain and preserve inviolate, the just rights and liberties of his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects in America.

They next resolved, "that the warmest thanks of the convention, and of all the inhabitants of this colony were due, and that this just tribute of applause, be presented to the worthy delegates, deputed by a former convention to represent this colony in general congress, for their cheerful under. taking, and faithful discharge of the very important trust reposed in them."

These proceedings were not adapted to the taste of Mr. Henry. On the contrary, they were "gall and worm-wood" to him. The house required to be wrought up to a bolder tone. He rose, therefore, and moved the following manly resolutions:

"Resolved, That a well-regulated militia, composed of gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and only security of a free government; that such a militia, in this colony, would forever render it unnecessary for the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose of our defence, any standing army of mercenary soldiers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, and would alleviate the pretext of taxing us for their support.

"That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time, peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws, for the protection and defence of the country, some of which are already expired, and others will shortly be so, and that the known remissness of government, in calling us together, in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure, in this time of danger and distress, to rely that opportunity will be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those further violutions with

which they are threatened.

"Resolved, therefore, that this colony be immediately put into a state of defence, and that

be a committee to prepare a plan for the embodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men, as may be sufficient for that purpose."

The alarm which such a proposition must have given to those who had contemplated no resistance of a character more serious than petition,

still hung, with suppliant tenderness, on the skirts of Britain, in the hope of seeing, once more, her maternal smile, will be readily conceived by the reflecting reader. The shock was painful: it was almost general. The resolutions were opposed, as not only rash in policy, but as harsh, and well nigh impious, in point of feeling. Some of the warmest patriots of the convention opposed them.

The morning of the 23d of March was opened by reading a petition and memorial from the as-non-importation and passive fortitude, and who sembly of Jamaica, "to the king's most excellent majesty," whereupon it was resolved "that the unfeigned thanks, and most grateful acknowledge. ments of the convention be presented to that very respectable assembly, for the exceeding generous and affectionate part they have so nobly taken, in the unhappy contest between Great Britain and her colonies, and for their truly patriotic endeavors to fix the just claims of the colonists upon the most permanent constitutional principles; that the as. sembly be assured, that it is the most ardent wish of this colony (and they were persuaded, of the whole continent of North America) to see a speedy return of those halcyon days when we lived a free and happy people."

Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, who had so lately drunk of the fountain of patriotism, in the continental con. gress, and Robert C. Nicholas, one of the best, as well as ablest men and patriots in the state, gave them all the resistance of their great influence and abilities. They urged the late gracious reception

of the congressional petition by the throne.-They upon us from the east, and which promised so fai insisted that national comity, and much more, and happy a day: with this they contrasted the filial respect, demanded the exercise of a more clonds and storms which the measure, now prodignified patience:-that the sympathies of the posed, was so well calculated to raise, and in which parent country were now on our side; that the we should not have even the poor consolation of friends of American liberty, in parliament, were being pitied by the world, since we should have, still with us, and had, as yet, had no cause to blush so needlessly and rashly, drawn them upon ourfor our indiscretion; that the manufacturing in-selves."

terest of Great Britain, already smarting under the These arguments and topics of persuasion were effects of our non-importation, co-operated power- so well justified by the appearance of things, and fully towards our relief; that the sovereign himself were, moreover, so entirely in unison with that love had relented, and shown that he looked upon our of ease and quiet, which is natural to man, and that sufferings with an eye of pity. Was this the disposition to hope for happier times, even under moment, they asked, to disgust our friends, to the most forbidding circumstances, that an ordinary extinguish all the conspiring sympathies which man, in Mr. Henry's situation, would have been were working in our favor, to turn their friend-glad to compound with the displeasure of the ship into hatred; their pity into revenge? And house, by being permitted to withdraw his resolu.. what was there, they asked, in the situation of the tions in silence.

He rose, at this time, with a majesty unusual to him, in an exordium, and with all that selfpossession by which he was so invariably distinguished. "No man," he said, "thought more highly than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who had just ad

colony, to tempt us to this? Were we a great Not so Mr. Henry. His was a spirit fitted to military people? Were we ready for war? Where raise the whirlwind, as well as to ride in and direct were our stores-where were our arms-where our it. His was that comprehensive view, that unerring soldiers-where our generals-where our money, prescience, that perfect command over the actions the sinews of war? They were no where to be of men, that qualified him, not me: :ely to guide, found. In truth, we were poor-we were naked—but almost to create the destinies of nations. we were defenceless: and yet we talk of assuming the front of war!-of assuming it too, against a nation, one of the most formidable in the world! a nation, ready and armed at all points!-her navies riding triumphant in every sea-her armies never marching but to certain victory?—What was to be the issue of the struggle we were called upon to court? What could be the issue, in the comparative circumstances of the two countries, but to the same subject in different lights; and therefore, yield up this country, an easy prey to Great Bri- he hoped it would not be thought disrespectful to tain, and to convert the illegitimate right, which those gentlemen, if entertaining, as he did, opithe British parliament now claimed, into a firm and nions of a character very opposite to theirs, be indubitable right, by conquest? The measure might be brave; but it was the bravery of madmen. It had no pretension to the character of prudence, and as little to the grace of genuine courage. It would be time enough to resort to measures of despair, when every well founded hope had entirely vanished.

dressed the house. But different men often saw

should speak his sentiments, freely and without reserve. This, he said, was no time for ceremony. The question before the house, was one of awful moment to this country. For his own part, he considered it, as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate. It was only in this way that To this strong view of the subject, supported they could hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the as it was, by the stubborn fact of the well known great responsibility which they held to God and helpless condition of the colony, the opponents of their country. Should be keep back his opinions, those resolutions superadded every topic of persuaat such a time, through fear of giving offence, he sion which belonged to the case. "The strength should consider himself as guilty of treason toand lustre which we derived from our connexions wards his country, and of an act of disloyalty towith Great Britain-the domestic comforts which wards the Majesty of Heaven, which Le revered we had drawn from the same source, and whose before all earthly kings." value we were now able to estimate, by their loss "Mr. President," said he, "it is natural to man that ray of reconciliation, which was dawning to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt

never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-WE MUST FIGHT! I repeat it, sir, WE MUST FIGHT!! An appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us!"

to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen-we have remonstrated-we have supplicated-we to the song of that syren, till she transforms us have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and into beasts. Was this, he asked, the part of wise have implored its interposition, to arrest the tyranmen, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for nical hands of the ministry and parliament.-Our liberty? Were we disposed to be of the number petitions have been slighted-our remonstrances of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, have produced additional violence and insulthear not the things which so nearly concern their our supplications have been disregarded, and we temporal salvation? For his part, whatever anguish have been spurned with contempt from the foot of spirit it might cost, he was willing to know the of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we whole truth-to know the worst, and to provide indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. for it." There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those "He had," he said, "but one lamp, by which his inestimable privileges, for which we have been so feet were guided, and that was the lamp of ex-long contending-if we mean not basely to abandon perience. He knew of no way of judging the the noble struggle, in which we have been so long future, but by the past; and judging by the past, engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves he wished to know what there had been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentle men had been pleased to solace themselves and the house. It is that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, "Imagine to yourself," says my correspondent," sir, it will prove a snare to your feet.-Suffer not "this sentence, delivered with all the calm dignity yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask your of Cato, of Utica-imagine to yourself the Roman selves how this gracious reception of our petition senate, assembled in the capitol, when it was comports with those warlike preparations, which entered by the profane Gauls, who, at first, were cover our waters, and darken our land? Are fleets awed by their presence, as if they had entered an and armies necessary to a work of love and recon-assembly of the Gods!-imagine that you heard that ciliation? Have we shewn ourselves so unwilling Cato addressing such a senate-imagine that you to be reconciled, that force must be called in, to saw the hand writing on the wall of Belshazar's win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, palace-imagine you had heard a voice, as from sir. These are the implements of war and subjuga. Heaven, uttering the words "We must fight," as tion-the last arguments, to which kings resort. I the doom of fate, and you may have some idea of ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purposes be not to force us to submission?Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quar. ter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over, to bind and rivet upon us those chains, which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument?-Sir, we have been trying that, for the last ten years. Have we any thing new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable: but it has been all in vain.Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplica. tion? What terms shall we find, which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned Judge Tucker.

the speaker, the assembly to whom he addressed himself, and the auditory, of which I was one.

"They tell us, sir," continued Mr. Henry, "that we are weak-unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?Will it be the next week or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inac tion? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.-Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which

shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just pendence was the effect of ministerial oppression God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and not the result of a pre-concerted plan.-Tho' and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battie, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged: their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is enevitable; and let it come!! I repeat it, sir-LET IT COME!!!

intended for the bosom of private friendship, those letters may legitimately be considered as conveying the sentiments of the whole American people at that time. They evince the reluctance with which a separation from Great Britain was contemplated; and do away the idea held out by some English writers, that "independence had long been meditated by the leading characters in the colonies, and that they availed themselves of the obnoxious acts of the British government for its assertion."

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter: Gentlemen may cry, "peace peace;" but there is no Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to Dr. Wm. Small, peace; the war is actually begun! The next gale formerly one of the professors of William and Mathat sweeps from the north will bring to our ears ry, but then at Birmingham, in England, where he the clash of resounding arms? Our brethren are successfully applied his extensive scientific knowalready in the field! Why stand we here idle?—ledge to practical improvements, in various manuWhat is it that gentlemen wish? What would factures, &c. dated May 7th, 1775, writes as folthey have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, lows: as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery!!! Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but, as for me" (cried be, with both his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled to its boldest note of exclamation,) "GIVE ME LIBERTY

OR GIVE ME DEATH."

"Within this week, we have received the unhappy news of an action of considerable magnitude between the king's troops and our brethren of Boston, in which it is said 500 of the former, with the earl of Percy, were slain. That such an action has happened is undoubted, though, perhaps, the circumstances may not yet have reached us with truth. This accident has cut off our last

hopes of reconciliation, and a phrenzy of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people.—It is a

He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard; the effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment, several members were seen to start lamentable circumstance that the only mediatory from their seats. The cry "to arms," seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye! Richard H. Lee, arose and supported Mr. Henry, but even his melody was lost amidst the agitation of that ocean, which the master spirit of the storm had lifted on high. That supernatural voice still sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They heard in every pause the cry of liberty or death. They became impatient of speech. Their souls were on fire for action.

power acknowledged by both parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation this divided people, should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as we find him constantly doing in every speech, and public declaration. This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into an acquiescence, but the effect has been most unfortu nately otherwise. A little knowledge of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have foreseen that the spirits of the people The measure was adopted; and Patrick Henry, were in a state, in which they were more likely to Richard H. Lee, Robert C. Nicholas, Benjamin be provoked than frightened by haughty deportHarrison, Lemuel Riddick, George Washington, ment; and to fill up the measure of irritation, Adam Stevens, Andrew Lewis, William Christian, proscription of individuals has been substituted Edmund Pendleton, Thomas Jefferson, and Isaac in the room of just trial. Can it be believed that Zane, esquires, were appointed a committee to prea grateful people will suffer those to be consigned pare the plan called for by the last resolution.

to execution whose sole crime has been developing and asserting their right? Had the parliament pos Letters from Thomas Jefferson. sessed the liberty of reflection, they would have From the Richmond Compiler of April 6, 1816. avoided a measure as impotent as it was inflammaThe following are extracts from letters tending tory. When I saw lord Chatham's bill, I enter. to prove that the American declaration of indetained high hopes that a seconciliation could have

Another letter from the same gentleman to John Randolph, the former attorney general, dated Au gust 25th, 1775, contains the annexed passage:

been brought about. The difference between his give up, every thing but the right of taxation. terms, and those offered by our congress, might Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, have been accommodated, if entered on by both and put my honor to the assertion. Their conparties with a disposition to accommodate; but tinuing in this error, may, perhaps, have very ill the dignity of parliament, it seems, can brook no consequences. The congress stated the lowest opposition to its power. Strange, that a set of men terms they thought possible to be accepted, in who have made sale of their virtue to the minister, order to convince the world they were not unreashould yet talk of retaining dignity!" sonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts passed prior to 1754, leaving to British generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America as the interests of Great Britain could admit. I wish no false "I am sorry the situation of our country should sense of honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, render it not eligible to you to remain longer in it.no vain hope that partial concessions of right will I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain will be accepted, may induce the ministry to trifle ere long put an end to the unnatural contest. There with accommodation 'till it shall be put even out may be people to whose tempers and dispositions of our own power to accommodate. If, indeed, contention may be pleasing, and who may therefore Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a wish a continuance of confusion; but to me, it is of match for the most potent nations of Europe, with all states but one, the most horrid. My first wish the colonies thrown into their scale, they may go is a restoration of our just rights; my second a re- on securely; but if they are not assured of this, it turn of the happy period when, consistently with would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the pub. another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign lic eye, and pass the rest of my days in domes-aid, which, perhaps, may not be unattainable but tic ease and tranquility, banishing every desire of on a condition of everlasting avulsion from Great afterwards even hearing what passes in the world. Britain. This would be thought a hard condition Perhaps, ardour for the latter adds considerably to those who wish for re-union with the parent to the warmth of the former wish. Looking with country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rafondness towards a reconciliation with Great Bri- ther be in dependence on Great Britain, properly litain, I cannot help hoping you may be able to con-mited, than on any nation upon earth, or than on no tribute towards expediting this good work. I nation; but I am one of those too, who rather than think it must be evident to yourself that the minis. submit to the right of legislating for us, assumed try have been deceived by their officers on this by the British parliament, and which late experiside the water, who (for what purposes I cannot ence* has shewn they will so cruelly exercise, would tell) have constantly represented the American oplend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean. position as that of a small faction, in which the body of the people took little part. This you can inform them, of your own knowledge, to be untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards, and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head. I wish they were thoroughly and minares excepted, and enclosed the extract to Peynutely acquainted with every circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am per suaded they would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those in parliament who are called friends to America, seem to know no-sition to the convention of Virginia for an address thing of our real determinations. I observe they pronounced in the last parliament that the congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in re serve to give up, and in fact, that they would

*This is understood to have alluded to a bill, passed by the house of lords at their preceding session, excepting from the benefit of any general pardon which might be offered, certain individuals by name. Mr. Montague, then agent for the house of burgesses of Virginia (which place was procur. ed for him by the interest of Peyton Randolph, speaker of the house, and his early and intimate friend) extracted the substance of the bill, and the

ton Randolph. Among the persons excepted were Hancock and one or both Adamses, as notorious leaders of the opposition in Massachusetts, Patrick Henry, as the same in Virginia, Peyton Randolph, as president of the general congress at Philadelphia, and Thomas Jefferson, as author of a propo

to the king, in which was maintained that there was in right no link of union between England and the colonies but that of the same king, and that neither the parliament, nor any other funcexercise authority over the colonies, than over the tionary of that government, had any more right to electorate of Hanover, &c.