CAREER OF GENERAL CAVAIGNAC.

Of the many strange positions at this moment in Europe, Cavaignac, perhaps, occupies the most peculiar: a dictator, and not an usurper: a possessor of, and at the same time a candidate for, power. Every day, which brings him nearer to the great civil struggle which is to confirm or to terminate his supremacy, brings also into stronger relief this singularity. We are edified at one moment by his submission to the Assembly; at another, shocked by his open governmental canvass of the people. He hastens the election for the presidency, and sends down commissioners to the provinces. He makes open appeal to the country, but refuses any categorical declarations of his opinions. The country, however, has not been so reserved, and, under the double claim it has upon him as one who has received and who asks for its favour, it makes no difficulty in catechising, with true popular rigour, both his past and present, in reference to his future. It thinks it has a right to know something of its own. There is no fault to be found with this. The people is sovereign. In all such inquiries, however, especially at such a moment, there will be more of passion than of justice, and Cavaignac has had not so much a series of biographies, as of panegyrics or invectives. He is not only charged with his own faults, but made accountable for the sins of a father, because he testifies the piety of a son. At one time he is a Red Republican, because he repudiates Girardin; at another, a Reactionnaire, because he adopts Dufaure. He is in some sections, a restorer of order; in others, a projector of anarchy. He belongs to all countries, or to none. We have him claimed as a half German from Strasburg, or an intense Irishman (under a slight disguise) from Leinster. Cavaignac is only the unguttural form of Cavanagh. These extremes are natural: at the present moment inevitable. We believe, even, that they are wholesome. Truth, and truths come out in the collision. We, who are not to be his subjects, can afford to be spectators and observers, and no more. We do not think he has a single regicide opinion in his heart, no more than we believe he has a drop of Irish blood in his veins. He is a merus Gallus, a thorough Frenchman ; but, for a Frenchman, a remarkable combination too. From all we learn of him and his family, he presents a singular conjunction of elements and tendencies. By blood, by birth, by connexions, by education, by profession, by services, he touches on all parties, receives and reflects all opinions. This it is which upholds him between all, but makes him seem to oscillate between all. It is his great difficulty now, as it was his recommendation heretofore. The Republic wanted a middle term, a mediator. She now sets up for herself.

The Cavaignac family derives from an old provincial house of the higher bourgeoisie, originally seated in Provence, afterwards in Gascony, and which, from time to time, has given many a good name in field and council to France.

His father, Jean Baptiste Cavaignac left behind him three children. The eldest, Godefroy, became an avocat; the second, Eugène, entered the army; the third was a daughter, Caroline. These three

children were brought up at Paris, under the superintendence of their mother. The mother and daughter were zealous Bonapartists; the two sons, like their father, staunch Republicans. In despite of this, it is difficult to imagine an attachment more thorough and cordial than that which existed between every member of the family. Madame Cavaignac, née Julie de Corency, is still living: she is of an ancient and noble family of Provence, of that olden type in which energy and loftiness of character is in a remarkable manner associated with the gentler affections. Educated herself to a degree which some might consider extreme, but without a symptom of pedantry or pretension, she took care to give her children similar advantages. The two sons completed their studies in the "College of Sainte Barbe," a seminary which, from time to time, has sent forth men distinguished in every walk of human science and action.

Godefroy Cavaignac, born at Paris in 1801, devoted himself to the study of law, and at an early age passed with distinction the usual examination for admission to the rank and privileges of avocat. Highly cultivated, and with more than ordinary talents for business, there is little doubt he would have soon succeeded in opening to himself an honourable and agreeable career, had not his political convictions, which had strengthened with years, thrown him into the turbulence of party politics. In the Revolution of 1830, he took an active part, and exposed his life to imminent peril in the desperate attack during that struggle on the Hôtel de Ville. On the elevation of the Orleans branch to the vacant throne, he was one of the first to place himself in direct hostility to the new Government. In December, 1830, he was captain of that same legion of the artillery which, in consequence of the revolutionary spirit it manifested during the trial of Charles X., was ordered to be disembodied. So early as October, 1831, as member and president of the Republican society, "Les Amis du Peuple," he did not hesitate to charge the Administration with treason to the people. During the trial to which it gave rise, he made frank profession of his Republican faith.

It will be easily seen from the foregoing that Godefroy Cavaignac was a Republican of the sternest stuff, a revolutionist of the old unadulterated school, no Republican "de lendemain," but of a "veille," as old as the year 1831. But this, as now, was no protection. There will always be found some stronger than the strongest; some deeper-coloured frenzy than the reddest republicanism. "Vive la Republique!" «Vive la Guillotine!" "Vive l'Enfer!" are biddings only at this public auction. Godefroy belonged to the "Amis du Peuple," but he soon found himself borne on by the exigency of the times, to a still more patriotic society, "Les Droits de l'Homme." Here his speech was considered disgracefully moderate; even his republicanism was regarded as a mockery; he was denounced as an enemy to the cause. A secret committee, a sort of "Vehmgericht," was held on the patriot; he was declared "hors de la loi," but the national character for honour, it is to be hoped, interposed; no "Freischöffe" could be found to carry into execution this " Blut-Urtel," or sentence of blood. Ingratitude, however, had no effect on the zeal of Godefroy. We find him again in 1834 suffering an imprisonment of longer duration, with his friends Guinart, Recurt, Marrast, and others involved

in the April prosecutions. Their escape from St. Pelagie is well known. Godefroy Cavaignac got safe to England, and there for five years gave himself up to political economy, and other cognate studies. His mother and sister visited him in this interval, and to this journey, undertaken in the midst of much mental anxiety, and to the severity of the following winter, may be ascribed the illness, which terminated in depriving him of his sister Caroline. She died unmarried at the age of twenty-two, a year after her return to Paris from England. Madame Cavaignac now found herself deprived by the same blow of her only daughter and her eldest son, from whom she had never been separated up to the time of his flight, and in consequence of the calamity was constrained to pass three whole years in retirement in Paris. But during all this time she evinced the same unchangeable courage and affection. But two hours after the death of her daughter she had the strength of mind to write a long letter to Godefroy, in which she put him in possession of circumstances of which till then he was not aware, and implored him not to think of returning to France for the present. Godefroy followed her counsel, he did not appear in Paris till two years after, on the occasion of the amnesty accorded by the Molé ministry. No sooner, however, had he resumed his former position, than he recurred to his old vocation; he once more took his stand in opposition to the government. Ledru Rollin now induced him to set up "La Reforme" as an organ through which he could give adequate expression to his opinions. He employed it with some success and vigour, but with more moderation and caution than he had yet evinced against the policy of Louis Philippe, and gave, as it may be supposed, no inconsiderable impulse to the propagation of Republican doctrines. By honest adherence to his convictions, and by the accuracy and richness of his historic knowledge, he extorted the respect even of his adversaries, and already seemed to have secured that extent of circulation, which has since attended that print. But he never thoroughly recovered the loss of his sister. The vicissitudes, too, and dangers of his political life, his efforts and disappointments, had greatly injured his health, never very strong, and the labour and anxiety imposed upon him by the editorship of his journal, completed the ruin of an already shattered constitution. After suffering for a few months from an inflammatory attack on the chest, he died on the 5th of May, 1845, in the forty-fifth year of his age. On the very day of his death appeared one of his best articles on the fortifications of Paris, against which he struggled to the last, with the whole of his expiring strength. Godefroy Cavaignac possessed a military exterior; his fine head in particular was striking. Under a somewhat rude surface he concealed deep-feeling; for everything, upright, he had an enthusiastic heart. It has been thought fortunate for his happiness, that he did not live to share the triumph of his party; he must have quarrelled with his dearest friends; very probably even with his brother. As it was, he departed from amidst them esteemed by all, by his brother almost adored. The democratic party lost in him one of their truest champions; the moral vigour and rectitude of his character, was one of the strongest supports of their cause. His champ de bataille was the "Tribune" and the "Reforme." These papers contain the fullest expressions of his political faith. His leading

articles in each, though not exempt from the tirade tone so general in France, are characterized by a bold, nervous, and manly style, and are not unworthy of appearing in a collected form. They present a striking illustration of his party and times.

Eugène Cavaignac, the second brother, and pro tempore ruler of France, is, however, the principal object of these pages. He was born in Paris the 15th of December, 1802. On completing his academical course at the "College de Sainte Barbe," he entered on the studies preparatory to his military career, in the "Ecole Polytechnique," and so early as 1828 was appointed in the expedition of the French to the Morea, to a captaincy. At the outbreak of the Revolution of 1830, he was in garrison at Arras; he gave in his adhesion to the new government; but zealous Republican as he was, he could not but look on the restoration of the monarchy as a measure fatal to the success of the Revolution. Whilst quartered at Metz in 1831, he added his signature to those of many others, to an "Address of the People," calling for war, and denouncing in no measured terms, the supposed overweaning tendencies to a pacific policy, on the part of the then government. This is singular, as few rulers of France, and hitherto no soldier, has shewn so earnest and enlightened an appreciation of the blessings and necessity of peace, as Cavaignac, ever since his accession to the supreme power. About the same time he was questioned by his commanding officer whether, in case of insurrectionary outbreaks, he was prepared to obey orders to fire, if necessary, upon the people. His answer in the negative (which appears to have been anticipated, perhaps provoked) was the signal for his removal to Africa, the government not venturing, from the regard in which he was held by his corps, to venture on any harsher punishment. From this period, 1835, till within a few months back, we see him actively engaged in those successive campaigns in Africa to which he is indebted for so much of his celebrity. His career is already so well known, that it will not be necessary to touch on it, beyond what is required to keep up the continuity of his narrative. A little after his landing, in the July, indeed, of the same year, he was dispatched, in consequence of the defeat at Makta, with the then commandant Lamoricière, and the few Arabs who still remained faithful, to determine General Trézel to return to Oran. After the taking of Glemcen in the following January, at the head of a battalion raised by Marshal Clauzel for the garrison of that place, he repulsed the Arabs in all their attempts, and maintained himself successfully against Abd-el-Kader. His energy and endurance during a blockade of several months, are honourably noticed in the "Annales Algériennes" of that day.

The Cavaignac battalion, notwithstanding, received no marks of ministerial approval, owing, as was then thought, to the pronounced Republicanism of its commander; all Marechal Clauzel's solicitations were unavailing; even Bugeaud's intervention failed. On his intimating that he would make a special application in his favour, for the rank of chef de bataillon, Cavaignac honorably replied, that he would accept of no promotion unless extended to all. He thus continued in the command of Glemcenen, and was not raised to the rank of major until the following year.

But Cavaignac did not confine himself to his military duties. In 1839 there appeared in Paris from his pen a small production under

the title "De la Régence d'Alger." It is a favourable specimen of his administrative as well as military talent, and was considered at the time to have presented an accurate, but at the same time measured estimate of the character of the French conquest, and an honourable evidence of the justice and comprehensiveness of his own views. He energetically urges a complete occupation of the entire territory. The year 1840 was distinguished by his skilful and successful defence of the town of Cherchell; and 1843-4, by the foundation of Orleansville, one of the most important points of occupation in the whole territory. He was selected for this duty from his universally recognised administrative superiority. Shortly after he was promoted to the rank of General of Brigade, and entrusted with the command of the subdivision of Tlemcenen. In March 1845, at the head of four hundred Arabs, he had to protect the conference which took place on the western frontier of Algiers, between the French envoyé and the Morocco plenipotentiaries. In the September of the same year, on the breaking out of the general revolt of the tribes on the western frontier, Cavaignac hastened with a column of thirteen hundred men to Traras, and after two hot engagements, and relieving the small town of Nedroma, then pressed by Abd-elKader, happily effected a junction with General Lamoricière in the narrow defile of Bab Thaza. On his return to Tlemcenen, he again attacked the Beni-ben-Said, and the Beni Senous, and soon compelled them, as well as the neighbouring tribes to suspend hostilities. After the sanguinary events of that year, Cavaignac did all that in him lay to establish in his own immediate district tranquillity and order, and partly by gentle, and partly by rigorous measures, succeeded in retaining in the Algerine territory several tribes who were on the point of emigrating to Morocco. Entrusted with the command of an expedition by the Governor-general against the Deira, or Smala of Abd-el-Kader, then behind Mouilha, he made an irruption at the head of five or six thousand men, into the Morocco territory, but not time enough to reach the camp, it having been struck a little before his arrival.

It was after this incursion that he marched on Djemma Gazouatt, which, five months before, had been the scene of the massacre of a portion of the French army. It still presented many a horrible memorial of the recent slaughter. There lay the remains of the invaders; the sun of Africa, the winter rains had peeled and eaten away the flesh: bleached and dry, in heaps or fragments, lay their bones, scattered up and down, each where they fell or fled, all along the dreary earth. He gathered them together, and with pious care had them committed to a common grave, placing the first green sod upon their remains with his own hand. To these scenes succeeded his encounters with the Prophet Mohammed Ben Abdallah, in the deserts of Morocco. To the invitation of this new prophet, calling on him to embrace Islam, and acknowledge him as his lord, he significantly replied by falling on him in March, 1846, and crushing with one blow the forces his fanaticism had collected around him. The year 1847 was signalized by a series of important and successful operations against the Sahara tribes, in the south-western division of the district of Oran. At the same time, in the midst of these military labours, he by no means neglected the not less important civil duties of his government. The Zakhal, or tithe

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