their duty to recommend to his Majesty, must have for its basis her Majesty's residence abroad.

"FIFE HOUSE, June 11, 1820."

"The Queen commands Mr Brougham to acknowledge having received Lord Liverpool's note of last night, and to inform his Lordship that her Majesty takes it for granted that the memorandum of April 15th was not submitted to her Majesty before Saturday, only because her legal advisers had no opportunity of seeing her until Lord Hutchinson was on the spot prepared to treat with her Majesty.

"Her Majesty commands Mr Brougham to state that as the basis of her recognition as Queen is admitted by the King's Government, and as his Majesty's servants express their readiness to receive any suggestion for a satisfactory adjustment, her Majesty, still acting upon the same principles which have always guided her conduct, will now point out a method by which it appears to her that the subject in contemplation may be attained.

"Her Majesty's dignity and honour being secured, she regards all other matters as of comparatively little importance; and is willing to leave everything to the decision of any person or persons of high station and character whom both parties may concur in naming, and who shall have authority to prescribe the particulars as to residence, patronage, and income-subject, of course, to the approbation of Parliament.

"June 12, 1820."

"The Queen commands Mr Brougham to add that, as her only wish is to vindicate herself, whatever ar

rangement may be calculated to secure this object without offering any injury to the feelings of others, will be most likely to afford satisfaction to her Majesty. "June 12, 1820."

"Lord Liverpool has received the communication made by the Queen's commands.

"The King's servants feel it to be unnecessary to enter into any discussion on the early parts of this communication, except to repeat that the memorandum delivered to Mr Brougham of the 15th April contained the only proposition to the Queen which the King authorised to be made to her Majesty.

"The views and sentiments of the King's Government as to her Majesty's actual situation are sufficiently explained in Lord Liverpool's note of the 11th inst.

"Lord Liverpool will proceed, therefore, to the proposal made on the part of her Majesty at the close of this communication-namely, that she is willing to leave everything to the decision of any person or persons of high station and character whom both parties may concur in naming, and who shall have authority to prescribe the particulars as to residence, patronage, and income-subject, of course, to the approbation of Parliament.'

"The King's confidential servants cannot think it consistent with their constitutional responsibility to advise the King to submit to any arbitration a matter so deeply connected with the honour and dignity of his crown, and with the most important public interests; but they are fully sensible of the advantages which may be derived from an unreserved personal discussion; and they are therefore prepared to advise

his Majesty to appoint two of his Majesty's confidential servants, who, in concert with the like number of persons to be named by the Queen, may frame an arrangement, to be submitted to his Majesty, for settling, upon the basis of Lord Liverpool's note of the 11th instant, the necessary particulars of her Majesty's future situation.

"FIFE HOUSE, June 13, 1820."

"Lord Liverpool presents his compliments to Mr Brougham, and requests that he will inform the Queen that if the accompanying answer should not appear to require any reply, Lord Liverpool is prepared to name the two persons whom his Majesty will appoint for the purpose referred to in this note.

"FIFE HOUSE, June 13, 1820."

"Mr Brougham presents his compliments to Lord Liverpool, and begs leave to inform him that he has received the Queen's commands to name two persons to meet the two whom his Lordship may name on the part of his Majesty's Government, for the purpose of settling an arrangement.

Mr Brougham hopes to be favoured with Lord Liverpool's nomination this evening, in order that an early appointment for a meeting to-morrow may be made. "5 HILL STREET, June 14, 1820."

The Duke of Wellington and Lord Castlereagh were named to represent the King; and, at first, Lords Fitzwilliam and Sefton the Queen. The two former came to Wentworth House, in Grosvenor Square; and I was

asked to attend, in order to introduce the parties to each other. There were all sorts of blunders and mistakes as to time; and after a ridiculous hour passed in waiting for one person and another, rendered the more ridiculous from the arbitrators thinking fit to come in court-dress, we all separated, nothing being done or said, except by the Duke, who, with his usual good sense, observed that the affair never could go on unless, instead of Sefton and Fitzwilliam-who, after the first meeting, had declined to act-Denman and I should be the persons on the Queen's part, which he undertook to make the Government of the King approve; and accordingly, Denman and I were accepted by the Government on the part of the Queen. We had several meetings, and I conceived a very high opinion, not only of the Duke's ability as a negotiator, but also of Castlereagh's. It was plain from the first that they had nothing like full powers from the King. Nor, indeed, had we from the Queen; for, upon some alarm being given her by the meddling folks whom she saw, she complained that she was not informed of the whole of the negotiation, although we made a point of conveying to her the substance of each day's discussion. Another thing happened both during the negotiation and at other parts of the proceeding. Acting under the influence of Lady Anne Hamilton, one of her ladies, she sent letters to the Speaker, to be read to the House of Commons, or rather formal messages, beginning Caroline R., which Lady Anne's brother, Lord Archibald (our stanch supporter), and myself were never aware of till an hour before they were [to be] read by the Speaker; and on one occasion we had hardly time to prevent it by hastening to her house

and causing her to countermand what she had been induced to do. More than once I have been obliged to say, that unless the step intended was abandoned I must resign my place in her service. Among other occasions of this threat being required, one was on the eve of Wilberforce's motion, when he found she had sent a message to the House of Commons, and went to wait upon her that it might be stopped. He saw her, and was evidently struck with her dignified demeanour and her acuteness; but returned to town, having failed. I had then to apply the stronger pressure, and of course succeeded.

When the address of the House of Commons went up, Wilberforce, the mover, and Wortley (afterwards Lord Wharncliffe), the seconder, presented it, as I have before stated; and her counsel were all in attendance.* We had resolved to give no advice whatever, but to leave her the entire option of agreeing or refusing. This was, on every account, the necessary course to take, because, if she had been acting under our advice, it would have entirely destroyed the effect of her resolution; and we felt quite certain that if we advised her to comply with the desire of the Commons and to leave the country, we should have been proclaimed by her violent and secret advisers as the cause of her going; and it would have been affirmed that she was herself desirous of remaining and meeting the charges. Indeed, I doubt if we should have escaped the fury of the multitude. She anxiously pressed us to give our opinion, one after another, and we all declined, stating that it was for her to decide, and not us, who were only

See debate on Mr Wilberforce's motion "for adjusting the differences existing in the Royal Family," 22d June 1820.-Hansard, 1213.