repeal will set everything right; but it is just possible that as we were foolish enough to expose our dependence by our evidence, the Americans may think this an opportunity to force other conditions upon us, or at least to make the experiment before they give way. The known weakness of the Government, the pressure of the insurgent manufacturers, the supposed, and I fear real, dependence of the Peninsula for food, are temptations which may catch them; and I fear that the eagerness with which our people have shipped will increase this temptation. The Americans will think that we shall be obliged to gain admittance for our shipments at any price; and this is a point in which they can bear a little hesitation better than we can. The satisfaction expressed by Opposition on the other hand, and their promise of resistance in case of further encroachment, will be of great service; and, upon the whole, my hopes preponderate over my fears. Much, indeed everything, will depend on able and skilful negotiation; it is a great point to get the shipments admitted, but still more essential to make no extravagant sacrifice for it. I fear our instrument for this purpose is very unequal to the task, and the Cabinet here not likely to make a fit choice, should they make any change.

"I should think that the best course for you to take, if I may advise, would be to recommend to your friends the manufacturers to show a disposition to support Government in resisting unreasonable encroachments; taking care to watch their confidence, that it does not encourage them to be unreasonable in their turn. The manufacturers may rely upon it that their interest will be better answered permanently by

conciliatory firmness than by absolute concession, which will invite further encroachment, and at last bring you, as the Russians will be brought, to a point where, nolens volens, a stand must be made. I am quite CERTAIN that, the Orders repealed in the way they are, the Government in America will be obliged to yield, whatever show they may at first make; and as I believe the other concessions required (especially the search for seamen) to be such as we should not make, it is even the safest course for the manufacturers (considering their interest in the narrowest sense) here to stand by the Government. This is my view of the case. If you should concur with me, your advice may be of great service, and give a tone where you now are. I do not think Maddison could support his war, or keep his ports closed, one fortnight after our repeal reaches America. I confidently expect that no attempt ever will be made. An embargo, you will see, has taken place; which, upon the whole, I think fair. We must not appear frightened, but at such a period we should have a minister of the very first power in America; not to plan foolish projects to dismember the Union, but to take care that the people are properly and plausibly informed of the intentions of his Government, &c. &c. It would indeed be a treasure in such a time if Government had sense enough to tempt you to their assistance, but I fear they will go on without change. You will see the Morning Chronicle' abuses Maddison's paper. I think it is a good performance, and not too querulous for an enumeration of grievances, which it professes to be. Nor do I think the Americans were wrong in striking their blow; they had waited many months for different

political changes, and you must recollect that their embargo left them no choice but of yielding or advancing. But I shall think them quite in the wrong if they persist after our repeal reaches, and I shall be much surprised if they do. I hope the manufacturers smother you with attentions, and are duly sensible how much they are your debtors.-Yours, A. B.

"P.S.-I have confidence in the Russian money system, mais nous verrons."

With reference to the suggestion that I should go to America, I wrote thus to Lord Grey :

TO EARL GREY.

"August 8, 1812.

"MY DEAR LORD GREY,-I consulted you about Liverpool, my own feeling being against moving in it at all; but all I have heard since is very favourable, and to-day I hear from Lord Sefton that the leading man of the corporation has written to him that my success is certain.

"Connected with this is another matter, which you will think, I daresay, is somewhat Quixotic. I made a formal offer to go out to America to negotiate the present matter, conceiving that my conducting the negotiation would extremely hamper the war party and encourage the peace party in America. My proposition was laid before the prince, and from Castlereagh's answer it appears that the prince is the cause of its being for the present rejected; which, of course, means altogether. The terms in which this is conveyed to me are quite civil, and even more; but ministers had better now make it up with America,

for the merchants and manufacturers will in no other way be satisfied. As a proof of this, I have letters from all the towns-Birmingham, Liverpool, London, Glasgow, &c. urging me to endeavour to go, and saying that it is the only way to settle it.-Most truly yours, H. BROUGHAM."

To this Lord Grey answered as follows:

FROM EARL GREY.

"HOWICK, August 10, 1812.

"MY DEAR BROUGHAM,—I am extremely disappointed at not seeing you here, but I trust to your remembering your promise after Lancaster, and paying us, I hope, a longer visit than your business at this time would probably have permitted.

"I really do not know how to advise about Liverpool, the expediency of embarking in an affair of that nature depending on so many considerations which I have very imperfectly before me. From what you

state of the matter, I should say that whether we can carry one or two, if a seat is offered to you on your own principles, perfectly unfettered, and without any engagement or connection with any other party, I can see no reason for your refusing it, provided the probabilities of success, without too great an expense, are such as satisfy you. On the other hand, if by a compromise which is to bring in you and Canning it is meant that you should in any degree assist, or engage your friends to assist, his election, I am as decidedly of opinion that it would be better, for a thousand reasons, to decline it.

"I must confess I was a little surprised at what

you say of your offer to go to America. If I had been previously apprised of your intention, I should have endeavoured to dissuade you from it. As it is, it is not worth while to say more on the subject than that I think you have had a lucky escape.-Ever yours truly, GREY."

TO EARL GREY.

"NEWCASTLE, August 18, 1812.

"MY DEAR LORD GREY,—I could convince you in five minutes by the clock that I had no choice; but I quite agree with you, I have had a great escape: not only so, but that it puts our attack on very high grounds if the negotiation fails; which, however, I think extremely unlikely.-Yours ever, H. B."

The following letter is to my friend Dr Shepherd :*

TO DR SHEPHERD.

"GATEACRE, LIVERPOOL, LANCASTER, Tuesday, Aug. 25, 1812.

"MY DEAR SIR,-I have just received yours of the 21st, which went to Brougham, and followed me here. I take it for granted Mr Roscoe may have explained to you my idea of the propriety of postponing the dinner, in case bad news from America should arrive before the beginning of September. My notion is founded on the belief that the cause would suffer by such an untoward coincidence-that we might expose ourselves to the ridicule of, not merely the enemy, but the neutrals; and that it would be more comfortable,

* The Rev. William Shepherd, author of 'The Life of Poggio Pracciolini.'