pected refusal, to come into any measures of conciliation, was thus felt to be the principal obstacle to the proposal of an arrangement for Ireland; and I was then much impressed with the persuasion (derived from many conversations in quarters that had great weight with me) that the Duke was then much disposed to settle the question of Ireland, and was applying his thoughts very seriously to the subject.

"If Peel refuses to go on with the Duke in a conciliatory measure for Ireland, his resignation would overset the Administration in the House of Commons, and force the Duke to an arrangement entirely new, and that with the King previously irritated and excited against it, which must at least lead to great confusion and embarrassment. Nevertheless, upon looking at the whole case in every light in which I can present it to my own mind, I am still inclined to give the Duke so far credit as to believe that it is impossible that he should embark the country in a civil war with his eyes open to the consequences; and I think he can hardly be sanguine enough to suppose that a general rebellion and war in Ireland, however successful the arms of England may be in the end-even if the ruin of Ireland and the destruction of a million of lives were matters of indifference-can be carried on without the interference of France; at first, perhaps, by an offer of mediation, and afterwards by more decisive measures, for which the treaty of 8th July forms a happy model. The opportunity of humbling Britain and revenging the occupation of Paris would be too tempting to be resisted, either by the bigot or the democratical party in France. From

this I conclude that he must feel the urgent and unavoidable necessity of making concessions such as he thinks will conciliate. I nevertheless cannot help fearing that these concessions may be accompanied with conditions and securities that, in the present temper of Ireland, may lessen their salutary effect, if not destroy it.

"I agree with you in the persuasion that great numbers of the rich and influential Catholics, and even many of the priests, are so much alarmed at the awful aspect of the power they have conjured up, and the evident difficulty of controlling it, if any violent provocation be given by the Orangemen, and Catholic blood be spilt to any serious extent, that they will be glad to catch at any reasonable arrangement, and by their means, if the matter be managed with firmness and address, the country may be saved, and the more violent spirit kept under for the moment. With peace and conciliatory government for a little time the Catholics will be divided, and the government may be quietly administered; but there can be no doubt that all hostile proceedings by either faction must be instantly controlled by military force. I wish the Duke may see the importance of taking his measures, and declaring his intention with little delay; for much danger will be incurred by loss of time, and I don't see what he can gain by it. But if I am right in my reasoning and my speculation upon his wishes and purposes, we must suppose that he has some good and powerful reason for his present inaction; for considering his whole conduct and character, I cannot bring myself to impute it to indecision. cromby's letter.-Yours faithfully,

I return Aber

ROSSLYN."

TO EARL GREY.

"LONDON, November 15, 1828.

"MY DEAR LORD GREY,-I conclude that you have heard of Arbuthnot denying to the Duke of Bedford that the Duke of Wellington was doing or intended to do anything this session, but would wait for events. Gosh is not the most acute of men, and may be wrong in his inferences, or may not have been confided in. Certainly others who are about the Duke say the reverse; and one who sees those persons, and can form a very good judgment, and is, moreover, extremely little disposed in Wellington's favour, assures me he is convinced he (Wellington) has got a plan, and has been conversing with several on the question, and flatters himself he will be able to settle Ireland. Goodwin says he knows nothing is to be done.

"James Parke is our new judge. University flourishing-new shares, 52 since we opened. The law class begins with ninety students.-Yours ever,

"H. BROUGHAM."

Lord Rosslyn's strong opinions and warm feelings on the Irish question have been adverted to. All through 1828 he and Lord Grey entertained hopes that the Duke would attempt to carry emancipation, and they were favourably disposed to a general cooperation with him founded upon that ground. The following letters illustrate their feelings on this subject:

"DYSART, Nov. 25, 1828. "MY DEAR BROUGHAM,-I thank you very much

for your letter, and having no correspondent in London upon whose authority or information I can entirely depend, I am the more thankful for your communication. I have seen Adam, who was with the King several times at the cottage and dined with him, and his account both of his health and spirits is very favourable. I believe him to be well for the present. I quite concur with you in thinking Ireland not only the first and paramount object of interest and anxiety, but so nearly the only one worth immediate notice, that all other questions sink into nothing in comparison with it. I should be most happy to be able to convince myself that the Duke of Wellington had made up his mind to any scheme of conciliation, and was prepared to carry his measure of substantial relief into execution at all hazards; but I cannot conquer my fear that the difficulties may deter him, more especially when I see the extravagant folly of O'Connell, who seems to be ready to sacrifice the whole cause, and the peace of both countries, to the gratification of his own inordinate vanity.

"It must be confessed, that between the insane bigotry of the Brunswickers and Orangemen on one side, and the indiscretion and intemperance of O'Connell on the other, a minister has a very hard game to play, especially with his most effective colleagues banded against him, and the King adverse.

"If he really commits himself on the one side of Catholic relief, he has some right to the support and assistance of those who are to benefit by his measures.

"Upon the friends of the Catholics—or, to speak more correctly, those who would make any sacrifice to avoid civil and probably in the end foreign war, and

to save the empire here from utter ruin-I think he may confidently depend; but the present state of his forces in Parliament is far from satisfactory, and the obedience of his troops far from certain.-Faithfully ROSSLYN."

yours,

All who took office with the Duke next year, after he had carried the Catholic question, were highly approved of both by Grey, Althorpe, and myself, because the Duke's proceedings, and his wish for our help, were indications of his intending to follow the liberal course taken by the Junction Government. Lord Rosslyn was a strong instance of this. Nothing could be more hearty than our approval of his accepting the Privy Seal, which he would not take until he had an interview with Grey, and his entire approval. Lord Fitzwilliam applied to the Duke direct to keep Scarlett as Attorney-General-I believe unknown to Scarlett. Darlington and his members, except my brother and myself, were avowed supporters of the Duke's Government, and he made through him, once or twice, proposals for me to take professional office. The place of Chief Baron had in Canning's time been pressed upon me. When he urged me, saying he had overcome with great difficulty the King's objections to me, I said, I certainly could not think of giving up my profession and my position in the Commons. But he said, "By taking that you are at the point-partes ubi se via findit in ambas—and may have either the King's Bench or the Great Seal on a vacancy; but don't say No till you have seen your friend Lyndhurst." So I saw him next day at the private room in Lincoln's Inn, when he said, "Well, what do you say to Can