ning's statement of the dividing point of the road?" I said, "My answer is, that I should be left there without post-horses to carry me on either way;" on which he laughed heartily, and said, "I have told Canning that the proposal was out of the question, and that they must be satisfied with your support out of office." This, however, led the Duke to make offers through Darlington; and my first answer was, that while the Catholic question remained unsettled I could not think of it. Next year, when that difficulty was removed, Darlington had a letter from the Duke that he wanted to see him upon the same subject. Darlington wrote to me desiring to know what answer he should give him (the Rolls was in question). I received his letter on my way to York, and immediately answered it, by begging him not to have any interview with the Duke; for as I was quite resolved to refuse, I thought it was not fair or honourable in me, with that resolution taken, to allow a great offer to be made, merely that I might have the éclat of having refused it. So, in accordance with my request, he had at that time no further communication with the Duke, but he afterwards took an opportunity of telling him how handsomely I had behaved.

TO EARL GREY.

"December 8, 1828.

"MY DEAR LORD GREY,-Parnell's account of Irish affairs is certainly as gloomy as can be. He says that there is hardly a part of the country where the people have not been, as it were, trained-that is, organised as to turning out and moving in bodies, chiefly by the old soldiers, of whom 28,000 (pen

sioners) are scattered up and down Ireland. This and all the other bad features of the case, he says, are well known to Government; and he describes Hardinge (whom he has seen) as extremely well informed on the nature and extent of the danger, which, I take it, includes some considerable uncertainty as to the Roman Catholics among the soldiers.

"His (Parnell's) belief is that some measure will be tried, and is in agitation, and that all these conferences with bishops and archbishops mean this. In fact, if the Duke of Wellington intends doing anything, they are the very gentry he would begin with, because of the expediency of finding what securities, &c. they would require. He (Parnell) agrees, however, as to the necessity of keeping no terms, if either nothing or as bad as nothing is done.

"The accounts are various of what is to be tried. Some say the whole measure with the wing; others the whole except Parliament (!!!), with the same wing; others, this fraction without the wing.* Το be sure, if Parliament is to be cut out of it, there is no great matter whether they add the wing or not. Others, again, say Parliament, but not offices. I suppose no one can doubt that it is not to be treated as emancipation at all, or as amounting to anything like it, if Parliament be not a part of it. But I should feel much greater difficulty if either the whole, or even Parliament without offices, were offered clogged with the 40s. wing. I opposed that wing with you in 1825, and assuredly what has since happened

* The bill disfranchising the 40s. freeholders. This and the bill for suppressing the Catholic Association were popularly called "The Wings."

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greatly increases the objections to it, insomuch that many who were for it then are clearly against it now. Nevertheless it would be a very alarming thing to take upon one's self any part, however small, of the responsibility of rejecting the emancipation, or what might be substantially the emancipation, though coupled with a measure of a most unconciliatory nature. If the wing were kept separate from the main measure, the course would be easy; but suppose it part of the bill, and you oppose it in the committee, and then are beaten, and then have to vote for or against both on the report and third reading: that is the difficulty.

"You have seen Denman's rank mentioned. The Duke of Wellington behaved throughout most admirably in it; and to give the King his due, he behaved as well as possible in the peculiar circumstances, which were these: Denman was informed last summer that the King had been told and believed that his speech (I suppose the quotation) was meant as a personal charge against him. Denman felt naturally very indignant at such an imputation as this gross misconstruction conveyed against him (Denman), and called on Copley to vindicate him from it-he having heard the speech. He found it necessary to state what he had to say in a memorial in his own justification; and finding Copley much too slow in the matter, he asked to see the Duke of Wellington, who undertook it in a very fair and handsome manner.* This was late in July. The King's illness delayed the settlement of it, and a further delay took place be

* The allusion here is to Denman quoting at length from Tacitus (Annal. xiv. 23), the denunciation of the conduct of Nero to Octavia.— See the Proceedings in the Bill of Pains and Penalties, 24th October 1820; Hansard, 1088.

cause the King said he must write what he had to say with his own hand. As soon as he was able he did so, and Wellington and Copley read it to Denman when he went to them last Sunday. It alluded generally to the misunderstanding of his quotation, and among other things (which I think very gallant) took the whole blame on himself, exonerating Eldon as well as Copley by name, and stating that he had expressly forbidden them ever to mention Denman to him. It is fair to say that if the King laboured under such a belief or even suspicion, he was in a predicament in which men seldom reason or even think at all.

"But it will be very strange if after this (the most difficult of all subjects to come near) the Duke should find anything insuperable in the objections to Wilson.

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"You might observe a mysterious statement in the Times,' as if from authority, about the King having come round on the Catholic question. Nobody seems to understand how far this is correct; but certainly if he is to be brought round, it ought to be tried before the Duke of Cumberland comes, who is fuller of spirits and all mischief than ever, and says he will come if he lives in a coffee-house. In fact, he wants to start for the Regency under the Orange colours-making the Brunswick clubs his handle for the purpose of setting himself up with the country.-Yours ever, H. BROUGHAM.

"An odd story is talked of, that Bishop Sumner urged the King to forgiveness of enemies when he gave the sacrament.'

"LANCASTER, March 28, 1829.

"MY DEAR LORD GREY,-I agree with all you say as to the unpalatable nature of the 40s. bill. The

more it is considered, the more clearly does one see that there can be but one reason for swallowing it— viz., the extreme pressure of the necessity for the other, and the impossibility of getting it without paying that price, though I admit this is rather a clumsy and unconstitutional view. I really look upon the carrying of the question to be not merely necessary for Ireland, but of the utmost importance in breaking up the long reign of bigotry and Toryism in England.

"As for the Duke not dismissing people, it is a risk he exposes the measure to; but he really is so much in earnest, and entirely committed with us to carry it, and has behaved generally so well and firmly upon it throughout, that we ought to trust him for knowing good reasons why. In fact, I have little doubt that there are difficulties of a peculiar nature at Windsor, and should not wonder if there were symptoms of disease. Surely, if that be the case, almost anything should be put up with to have the bill carried speedily. The feeling of the country where said to be against the question, is most grossly exaggerated. That I see new proofs of every day, talking to persons of credit from different parts of Lancashire and Cheshire.-Yours ever,

"H. BROUGHAM."

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.