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courts.

We have not room to exhibit an abstract of the argument, which nevertheless we recommend to our American statesmen to peruse and confute. We have already hinted at a reason for our forbearing to do this. We believe the ultimate settlement of the controversy will depend more on the actual situation of the parties at the present day, than upon the course of their former conduct and opinions, when their situation was exceedingly dissimilar.

The author supposes fraud on the part of neutrals, in covering enemy's property, to a much greater extent than American mer chants will believe is the fact.* Yet he undertakes, p. 102, to say, that his conclusion does not depend on the fact assumed.

For

"If the hostile colonies are supplied with all necessary imports,and their produce finds its way to market, the enemy is effectually relieved from the chief pressure of the war, even though both branches of the trade should pass into foreign hands, in reality as well as in form." He adds, that "the produce of the Weft-Indies sells cheaper at present, clear of duties, in the ports of our enemies than in our own."-P. 105.

If this be true, we cannot see why the French colonies should not prosper beyond those of England. He tells us this is the fact; and repeats, as well founded, the boast of Bonaparte,

"That Guadaloupe and Martinique are flourishing so much beyond all for mer experience, that since 1789 they have doubled their population."

That colonies should thrive in produce and wealth, because the mother country is driven from the sea, and abandons them to shift as they can without naval protection, and that the English colonies should droop and decline, in consequence of the empire of the Britishi navy on every sea, is certainly a strange assertion. The author strenuously insists, that this is the fact. English vessels are exposed to the peril of capture, and to war freights and premiums, and of course English West India produce goes dearer to market than the products of the enemy's colonies in neutral vessels. this way, he says, the commerce of England, in West India products, is every where obstructed, and is nearly lost. But he insists, that the tendency of this system, to augment and man the marine of France, and to cramp and discourage that of G. Britain, is a still more disheartening and urgent consideration.

In

Having in detail treated of the origin, extent, and nature of the evil, he proceeds, page 137, to consider "the remedy, and the right of applying it."

"If," he continues, "neutrals have no right, but through our concession, to carry on the colonial trade of our enemies, we may, after a reasonable notice, withdraw that ruinous indulgence." One of the chief topicks of complaint in America has been the condemnation of our vessels, without any such notice of their being liable to condemnation. Indeed, if GreatBritain could make out a right to

There is probably some misrepresentation, seize them, it appears, that it has

and certainly some exaggeration of the conduct of neutrals, in this part of the pamphlet. There is also an evident want of correct information Concerning the consumption of sugar and coffee

the United States. These errors seem to be 1:ss excusable, because accurate knowledge was easy to be procured, and it is admitted, by the writer himself, that the force of his main argument does not depend on their truth.

been exercised with an unwarrantable precipitancy and unnecessary harshness. As booty,the prizes go to the captors; and even if the gov ernment of England participated i

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He professes to think, there is no doubt of the British right to stop this trade.

Neutral ships. (he observes) when taken in a direct voyage to or from the hostile countries and their colonies, or in a trade between the latter and any other neutral country, but their own, have been always condemned by our prize courts, both in the last and the present war. These restrictions can be warranted by no other principle, than the unlawfulness of trading with the colonies of a belligerent in time of war, in a way not permit ted in time of peace."

He asks, "whether it is possible that neutral states, in peace and amity with Great-Britain, should have a right to persevere in conduct, which may, in its nat ural consequences, make England a pro jace of France ?"

Supposing this to be the natural consequence, it would be difficult to prove, that a neutral has any such right: for the right of the belligerent to exist, is to be preferred to the right of neutrals to make gain.

"With what intention," he asks," did the enemy open his colonial ports to neutrals? The single, manifest, and undissembled object was, to obtain protection and advantage in the war, to preserve his colonial interests without the risk of defending them, and to shield himself, in this most vulnerable part, from the naval hostilities of England."

"I see not," he continues, "how any mind can doubt, that a co-operation in such an expedient, by powers in amity

with England, is a violation of the duties of neutrality."

He adds, that "this very motive for opening the colonial ports is avowed in the publick instruments, by which they were opened. With the first news of a war the orders of the mother country to open those ports are dispatched, as of convention with the enemies of Greatcourse. Neutrals can shew no treaty, no Britain, as a title to these privileges, that grow out of war, begin and end with it."

Page 183. He considers the probability of a quarrel with the neutral powers, in consequence of the resort to the remedy he has recommended, i. e. of withdrawing the indulgence hitherto allowed to this trade; and he endeavours, 2dly, to vindicate the prudence of the remedy by shewing, that the neutral powers will not quarrel with England on that account. He firmly believes they will not, because he is sure they ought not. On this head, the writer seems disposed to speak of the United States with some respect. He thinks the Americans are a sagacious people, who will not fail to discern their interest; that they respect justice, and therefore will acquiesce in the exercise by GreatBritain of her just rights, as a belligerent; and that, being lovers of liberty, they will not like to see France lord of the navies, as well as of the armies of Europe.

"But (he goes on to say, page 196) he would not recommend a total prohi bition of the colonial trade, though he maintains the right of Great-Britain to interdict it without reserve. We might extend to all the French colonial ports the privileges, enjoyed by Americans at some of those ports in time of peace (which privileges he specifies); nay, we might allow such an intercourse with the colonies of Spain and Holland." "The farmers of America would in that case find the same market for their produce, and of course they would be on the side of conciliation and peace."

But even a war with the neutral powers, bad as he admits such a war to be,would be a less evil than the abuses of neutrality.

"Peace with the neutral powers is more likely, after all, (he says) to be preserved by a firm than a pusillanimous conduct." "To conclude: a temperate assertion of the true principles of the law of war, in regard to neutral commerce, seems, as far as human foresight can penetrate, essential to our publick safety."

On the soundness of the doc trine of this writer, it belongs to the ablest American jurists and statesmen to pronounce a decision. As the pamphlet is written with considerable ability, and no little labour of research; as it is thought by many to convey the sense of the English government, and probably expresses the opinion of the nation too, it is obvious, that it will signify nothing on our side, to attempt an answer either by sophistry or invective. Indeed the answer will no less disgrace than disappoint America, if it should prove deficient either in candour or solidity. What can be plainer, than that nations, when they disagree, must appeal to reason, if they will not resort to force? If they do not choose to fight, they must nego. ciate; and if they negociate, they must argue. Though our first magistrate assures us, that reason is the umpire between just nations, yet with his unfortunate and very unphilosophical antipathy against the British nation and government, and after all the false and silly things his adherents have said against the British treaty, negociation is understood to be the last expedient, to which our administration will think of resorting. It is palpably clear to common sense, that it should have been the first. For had an attempt been made to negociate when the British treaty

was near expiring; when the British cabinet wished to make friends; and was discouraged to see itself without any; there is no doubt the dispute might have been prevented. At any rate, it would have been anticipated; and if our merchants had anticipated it, they would have saved some millions of dollars, which have since been captured and condemned. Thus it is, that the people have to pay for the national partialities and aver sions of their rulers.

If our administration should attempt to frame a new treaty, they will not find in the federalists, we hope, the same want both of sense and principle, that fostered and protracted the opposition to Mr. Jay's. The negociation, it must be confessed, will be attended with great, we hope not insurmountable difficulties; and no man of sense will expect from it the recovery of every lucrative, neutral advantage, that we have at some times enjoyed. Our commercial and political situation would be much mended, if it were better as< certained; if our merchants knew what was safe, instead of conjecturing in the dark, what is right, what is permitted, or what will be maintained.

Great Britain most certainly is averse to a war with America. She is not only interested in our commerce and friendship, but dearly concerned to conciliate the exercise of her naval supremacy, if it be possible, with the judgment and conviction of the wise and able men among the neutral nations. Popular clamour, unsupported by that judgment, will soon expire ; but the serious and steady censure of the wise will, in the end, augment the hatred and resentment, naturally engendered by her pow er, which will seek all opportuni

ties to obstruct its energies, and will surely find some at last to subvert its foundations. Nothing, we know from observation and expe rience, proves so fatal to the dura tion of any sort of dominion, as the wantonness of its abuse. GreatBritain, strong by her navy, by her insular position, by her liberty, and, perhaps, not less so by her justice, will desire, will endeavour, and ought really to make considerable sacrifices, rather than not succeed to gain, in favour of her maritime principles, the acquiescence, if not the applause of the well informed

and fair minded classes of men in

the neutral states.

The American re-impression of this pamphlet is executed in a style of great typographical elegance, and prefaced with the following short notice.

"It was intended to have prefixed to this edition, an introduction of some length, exposing, in a succinct manner, some of the sophistries with which this singular work abounds, by way of puting the reader on his guard against them; but as it is now proposed to follow it shortly with a formal answer, nothing more is thought necessary here, than merely to apprize the reader of this

circumstance."

CORRESPONDENCE.

WE readily infert the following note, not because we are flattered by its politeness, but because we think it fairly clofes the controverfy, in which we have been engaged. What the writers may gain by Mifs Adams's filence we are not anxious to inquire, fince we lofe nothing, while our statements remain uncontradicted by the worthy woman, whose name we have reluctantly brought before the publick. NOTE

To the Editors of the Anthology. THE Authors of the "Compendious Hiftory of New England," replied to the review of their work, merely to defend themselves against falfe charges and infinuations, exhibited against them, which, had they remained uncontradicted, might have left wrong impreflions on the minds of fome of the readers of the Anthology. They had a right to expect different treatment from a body of men, who doubtless lay claim to the character of gentlemen and christians. With the author of the remarks on their reply they certainly can have no controverfy. They are happy that his name is concealed from them and the publick. They envy him not any fatisfaction, which he may now, or hereafter feel in reflecting on this tranfaction.

The authors of the Compendious Hiftory feel no reluctance in refting their reputation with the publick, as to the matter in controverfy between them and the Reviewers, on the facts already publifhed. If Mifs Adams herself has any complaint against them, and fhall think proper to make it known to them, they

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Gentlemen,

Jan. 22, 1806. YOU will pleafe give the inclofed a place in the Anthology for January, and oblige

Your humble fervts. GILBERT & DEAN.

OUR feelings having been severely wounded by the appearance of a paragraph in the Monthly Anthology for Decem ber last, concerning the miscellaneous works of Col. DAVID HUMPHREYS, and which did not meet our eye until the latter end of last week, we beg leave, through the medium of your Anthology, to express our gratitude to that gentleman for the humanity which first prompted him to present us with the work; himself having discharged every demand for paper, printing, &c. and the liberality with which he allows us the use of several hundred dollars, which we have received from the subscribers to his work, and of which he has never drawn a single cent-conftantly evading it, whenever we have requested to be permitted to settle with him.

Of the abilities of Col. Humphreys, as an author or poet, better judges than either the Editors of the Anthology, or our felves, must decide. As a foldier, and a patriot, he has deserved well of his country-and as a man of benevolence, he will be gratefully remembered by many; but by none with more respect and esteem, than his obliged humble servants,

GILBERT & DEAN.

54

OF NEW PUBLICATIONS IN THE U. STATES, FOR JANUARY, 1806.

Sunt bona, sunt quædam mediocria, sunt mala plura.-MART.

NEW WORKS.

Ballftown fprings, a moral poem, written at Ballstown in 1805. pp. 22. 12mo. Ode aux fouverains de l'ancien monde, fur la croifade actuelle. Par le Comte Jofeph Henry Augufte De Maccarthy. Du Nouveau Monde. L'an de nôtre Seigneur 1806. 8vo. pp. 16.

An abridgment of univerfal geography, together with sketches of hiftory. Defigned for the use of schools in the United States. By Sufannah Rowson. Bofton. John Weft. 12mo. 87 cents; 9 dols. doz.

The flowers of fancy, or poetical wreath; carefully felected from the best authors. Baltimore. Butler.

12mo.

Confiderations on the publick expediency of a bridge from one part of the town of Boston to the other. Boston. Manning & Loring. 1806. 25 cents.

An examination of the British doctrine which fubjects to capture neutral trade to ports not open in time of peace. Price 1 dol. Washington.

A fhort account of the life and death of Rev. John Lee, a methodist minister in the United States of America. By Jeffe Lee. Baltimore. John W. Butler.

A fermon, preached at the ordination of Rev. Charles Lowell, January 1, 1806. By Eliphalet Porter, A. M. pastor of the Jt church in Roxbury. Together with the charge, by Profeffor Ware, and right hand of fellowship, by Rev. Mr. Buckminster. Boston. Belcher & Armstrong, 8vo. 1806

A fermon, preached in Providence, at the ordination of Rev. Henry Edes, July 17, 1805. By John Eliot, D. D. paftor of the New North church, Boston. Providence. James Carter. 8vo. 1805.

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practice in the university of Pennsylva nia. In 4 volumes. The 2d edition, ladelphia: printed by T. & G. Palmer revised and enlarged by the author. Phifor the Conrads, &c. pp. 1757. 1806.

by Walter Scott. Philadelphia. Hugh
The Lay of the Laft Minstrel, a poem,
Maxwell. December 1805.

well's and T. S. Manning's edition of
Volumes III. IV. and V. of Hugh Max-
Shakespeare's Plays, with the corrections
and illuftrations of various commenta-
tors; to which are added notes by John
by Ifaac Reed. Philadelphia.
fon and Stevens, revised and augmented

Democracy unveiled, or tyranny strip-
by Christopher Cauftic, LL.D. &c. The
ped of the garb of patriotifm, a poem,
volumes, 12mo.
third edition, with great additions. In 2
New York.
& Co. 1806.
I. Riley

Thomfon's Seafons, in miniature. 1 Philadelphia. James Kelley. 1806. dollar, morocco gilt; 75 cents, sheep.

Poems by John Marriot, of the fociety of Friends, including a fhort account of the author, and extracts from fome of his letters. New Bedford. Abraham Shearman, jun. 12mo. 1805.

Univerfal history, ancient and modern, general peace of 1801. By William from the earlieft records of time to the Mavor, vicar of Hurley, and chaplain to the earl of Dumphries. In 25 volumes, 12mo. Each volume ornamented with an historical engraving; with feveral maps. Price 33 dols. bound; in boards, 27. Philadelphia. Samuel F. Bradford.

In a

the Baltick, through Denmark, Sweden,
A northern fummer; or travels round
Ruffia, Pruffia, and part of Germany, in
the year 1804. By John Carr, Efq au-
thor of the Stranger in France, &c.
neat octavo vol. Price 2 dols.
ton, S.C. Morton. December 1805.
Life of President Edwards. 12mo.
dol. Northampton. S.& E.Butler. 1805.

Charlef

1

A particular account of the military atchievements of General Moreau, and a that of Bonaparte. Philadelphia. comparison between his character and Literary Publication Office. 1806.

fchoolmaster's aflistant and young man's The Federal Calculator, or American companion, being a compendium of fed,

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