centuries she has been forbidden to taste, and to England a prospect of commercial prosperity and national strength which has hitherto been a stranger to its annals. The labours of the present session will link together two classes of the community which have too long been dissevered; they will form in history the true mark which is to divide the shadow of morning twilight from the brilliant effulgence of the risen sun; they will form a monument-not of the crime or ambition of mannot of the misfortunes or the convulsions of society-but of the calm and deliberate operation of benevolent wisdom watching the good of the human race. And we ought to be proud that our hands are to be employed in a measure which will pass down to the latest posterity as an object of their respect, gratitude, and admiration."

In 1821, the Catholic Relief Bill was carried in the Commons, and, it was hoped, would pass the Lords. It was believed it would, as Mr. Freemantle, in a letter to the Marquis of Buckingham, says "I hear Lady Conyngham supports it, which is a great thing." In the Lords, however, the bill was lost by a majority of thirty-nine, owing chiefly to an emphatic speech from the Duke of York. Lord Eldon writes-"The Duke of York has done more to quiet this matter than everything else put together. It has had a great effect. I have nothing further to delay your drinking To the thirty-nine who saved the Thirty-nine Articles'—a very fashionable toast." Lord Eldon's toasting was a little premature.

In 1822, Canning revived the subject in the Commons by his bill to allow Catholic peers to sit in parliament. It was pressed forward by the opposition, to embarrass government. "My idea," writes Mr. Freemantle, " is, that Canning does not mean mischief so much as regaining some little character and importance which he has so justly lost."

In 1823, the Catholic question was argued by Mr. Plunket in the House of Commons.

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Palmerston is now in opposition; but we shall find him disposed to aid the ministry as far as he can. It must be remembered that he had only very recently, in reply to Mr. Brougham, thus defended the Prime Minister:-"The claims which that noble and gallant duke had established to the gratitude of his country, stood upon a basis too firm to be shaken by any taunts or sneers that might be thrown out against them. There was one topic upon which he was glad to be able to relieve the alarms of the honourable and learned gentleman. The military office formerly held by the noble duke would not be united to the political. From the present time the Duke of Wellington would cease to be Commander-in-Chief. Another objection taken by the honourable and learned gentleman to the present Prime Minister was, that the noble duke's habits and experience had been military, and not civil. But the honourable and learned gentleman himself had admitted, that, in the speech in which the noble duke, with an honourable modesty, had disclaimed the possession of talents which qualified him for the first situation in the country, the very terms and manner in which that disclaimer was made showed that the modesty of the speaker far underrated his own capacities. And surely the personal knowledge of the honourable and learned gentleman must sufficiently instruct him that the whole of the Duke of Wellington's experience had not been confined to the army. The House, at least, would know that there had scarcely been an important transaction in Europe, for the last thirteen years, in which the noble duke, at home or abroad, had not directly taken a part."

Soon after the accession of George IV., insurrection and famine in Ireland attracted the attention of the cabinet to that country, and the Lord-Lieutenant was suddenly recalled, and Lord Wellesley, a friend to Catholic emancipation, sent in his place. It was then thought (and the ministry encouraged the idea) that the tithes were at the bottom of the disturbances which prevailed; and a Composition Act was introduced, with a view to create order: but the act altogether failed; and it became more and more the opinion of Lord Wellesley that Catholic emancipation

was the only remedy. George IV. professed to be alarmed, when Mr. Canning became Prime Minister, at the preponderance of the Catholic party (as it was called in the cabinet); and insisted upon sending out Lord Anglesea a staunch Protestant -and recalling Lord Wellesley. The former, however, in spite of his violent declaration against emancipation, was no sooner in Ireland, and face to face with the difficulties of the situation, than he became friendly to the measure, and was summarily recalled by the Duke of Wellington. The Duke of Northumberland was sent in Lord Anglesea's place, and remained there till Wellington himself was compelled to resign office.

The Irish Catholic Association at this time ruled all Ireland; and its presiding genius was Daniel O'Connell. Let us pause to consider the conduct of this extraordinary man. We remember him in his prime-when, in cunning and daring, he was unrivalled in the House of Commons or out. Nature had been bountiful to the man, and had admirably fitted him for the part he was to play. With a broad, robust frame, capable of enduring an immense amount of fatigue; with a stentorian voice, always well modulated; with a face redolent of Irish humour; with a readiness never at fault; and with a versatility that made him all things to all men-it was rarely that he appeared in public without gaining his ends, and making many friends. When he presented himself, to plead before Lord Eldon, the old Tory was compelled to admit " that his demeanour was very proper." In the history of mankind, there have been few instances of a power so extraordinary as that wielded by Mr. O'Connell.

"His early education," writes Mr. Roebuck, "had given his manners something of an ecclesiastical smoothness when in the society of gentlemen, more particularly of English gentlemen; but, when addressing his own countrymen, he could assume (perhaps resume might be the more appropriate word) a rollicking air which completely won the hearts of the excitable peasantry whom he sought to move, and over whom he indeed ruled with an absolute despotism. With the Catholic priesthood he had also great influence; and, by their aid, obtained and continued his extraordinary power over his uneducated countrymen. When speaking of the priesthood or a priest, the demeanour of Mr. O'Connell was indeed so deferential as to appear a perfect prostration of body and mind to ghostly domination. His strict observance of the forms of his religion, the fervour of his outward piety, won the esteem and confidence of the Irish Catholic clergy. They believed him a true and obedient son of the church. They trusted him; and finding him endowed with great ability, they, in their turn, followed and supported his political agitation. This mutual confidence was greatly promoted by the character of Mr. O'Connell's piety, in which terror played no common part. Subject to the influence of strong passions, of undoubting faith, but also liable to strong fits of despondency and fear, he was just the man to be an active and useful instrument in the hands of an astute and grasping priesthood. In most cases in which an alliance takes place between a layman and a priest, there is a lurking mutual distrust which, spite of every art and disguise, betrays itself from time to time. But in the instance of Mr. O'Connell, no such distrust seems ever to have arisen on either side. The priests of his church were too sagacious to fail in accurately appreciating the extent and character of their power over his mind. They knew his weakness, and their own strength. They had no fear, consequently, when aiding him to acquire power over the peasantry, because they were sure that his power would never be employed to diminish, or even to check their own spiritual influence and temporal authority and wealth. A perfect mutual cordiality and confidence appeared to exist; and, as we believe, did in reality exist, between them and Mr. O'Connell; and great advantage resulted to both parties from this alliance.

He was a skilful lawyer; thoroughly acquainted with the character of his countrymen, and ready at all times to aid them when subject to accusation by the government, or quarrelling among themselves. They who have witnessed his conduct in criminal trials and at nisi prius, describe him as unrivalled in the dexterity with

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which he managed a jury; while those who have heard his legal arguments before the judges in Dublin, speak of them as models of forensic skill. The contrast between his manner on these different occasions, proved his marvellous versatility, and ought to have prepared the House of Commons for his admirably appropriate demeanour when he first appeared before them as the one great representative of Roman Catholic Ireland. He was at all times a finished actor, and could assume, or throw off at once and completely, any part he chose. In the House of Commons, every trace of the ranting, rampant demagogue entirely disappeared. What would make an assembly of peasants weep, would probably send the House of Commons to sleep, or would keep them awake simply by exciting their contempt or disgust. Mr. O'Connell knew this well: and further, he was aware that the assembly into which he entered was as courageous as fastidious; that it was as difficult to excite their fear as it was easy to offend their taste. To bully them he knew was dangerous; to frighten them, impossible; to persuade them out of their former convictions, almost hopeless: but, to amuse and interest them-to command their attention and respect by wit, knowledge, clear and forcible statement, and accurate reasoning, and sometimes by rare, and felicitous, and finished touches of passionate argument-to excite and almost convince them ;--all this, he was aware, was within the power of a great orator. Proudly conscious that he could aspire to this high calling, with a calm self-possession he applied himself to his last most difficult task of conquering the attention-the respectful attentionof an adverse House of Commons; and succeeded. Great as were Mr. O'Connell's powers, and enormous as was the influence he wielded, it must, however, be confessed," adds Mr. Roebuck, "that his great abilities and glorious opportunities were of comparatively little use to himself or others; and that few men have so long, and to such an extent, engaged the attention of the world, and have passed away leaving so little behind them by which they can be worthily remembered. To assume the manner, and employ the language that would please a particular assembly, and contribute to the attainment of a given end, was no difficult task for so finished an actor as Mr. O'Connell. But, to be observant of the truth-to sacrifice selfish purposes-to withstand the popular prejudice that created his power, required a mind trained from infancy to obey the exalted morality fitted for a free people, and which among them alone can be found. Unfortunately for his fame, and the happiness of his country, Mr. O'Connell was tainted with the vices produced by that dominion against which he reared a gallant front. The slavery that he attempted to vanquish had exercised its baneful influence over his own mind. That carelessness respecting truth which always attends the slave's condition, deformed the mind of him who was destined, in one remarkable instance, to overcome the very tyranny which marked with ignominy the race to which he belonged."

No sooner had Mr. Canning died than Mr. O'Connell devoted himself to the task of rousing the entire Roman Catholic population; and, with the aid of the priesthood, he assumed the whole government of Ireland. The parliamentary opposition, of course, were only too glad to take advantage of this popular excitement, and to assail the administration with a motion respecting emancipation. The opposition in parliament were relieved, by the death of Mr. Canning, from all restraint; and as they had carried the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, were ready for a still more complete measure of religious toleration.

In 1827, there had been a two nights' debate on the subject. The public expectation had been directed with great eagerness towards it. At the general election, in the preceding year, the exertions of the priests had met with great success in the election of members favourable to emancipation. A majority of four decided against the Catholics. In a day or two after, the Marquis of Lansdowne withdrew his notice of motion to consider the Catholic claims in the House of Lords. "He could not," he said, "upon due consideration, allow any precipitate step on his part, at that moment, to have the possible effect of creating or

adding to the distressing, the disheartening conviction on the minds of the people of Ireland, that a majority of both houses of parliament was determined to reject the consideration of their claims. He felt too deeply what the effect of such a step must be, to add to the irritation upon the subject which already existed; and he should refrain from any step that could, by possibility, have that effect." In Ireland, the result of the debate added fuel to the flame of anti-English feeling; and in many parts of the country violent outrages occurred.

The arguments on either side were much as follows:-It was contended that the repeal of Roman Catholic liabilities would be the destruction of the established church in Ireland; there was the danger of abolishing tests, which had been established for the express purpose of giving the legislature a Protestant character; there was the danger that the removal of civil disabilities might materially affect the position in which the Roman Catholic religion stood to the state; and last, and not least, there was the peculiar character of the Roman Catholic religion itself, with its foreign relationship, its system of complete organisation and discipline.

On the other hand, there was the unquestionable right of the people to choose their own representatives; and the fact that the refusal of that right had been the source of endless confusion and rebellion. It was argued that such removal would put an end to all jealousies between his majesty's subjects, and bury in oblivion all animosities between Great Britain and Ireland. Besides, it was urged that that measure was part and parcel of the scheme of Mr. Pitt in effecting the legislative union between the two countries.

The subject had been debated in a full House in 1827, and the measure only negatived by a majority of four votes.

Mr. Peel had made up his mind that resistance was no longer possible. When asked by the Duke of Wellington to join him in the formation of a cabinet, he found that it was only by the aid of men favourable to repeal that an administration could exist. 66 What," he writes, "must have been the inevitable fate of a government composed of Goulbourn, Sir John Beckett, Wetherell, and myself, supported by very warm friends, no doubt; but those warm friends being prosperous country gentlemen, fox-hunters, &c.-most excellent men, who will attend one night, but who will not leave their favourite pursuits to sit up till two or three o'clock, fighting questions of detail, on which, however, a government must have a majority? We could not have stood creditably a fortnight."

The repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts rendered the ground maintained by the high Protestant party still more untenable.

Lord Palmerston was early noted for his liberality on the Roman Catholic question. He was viewed with suspicion accordingly. In February, 1828, Lord Eldon writes "Nobody can read the late speeches of Palmerston and Vesey Fitzgerald, without being apprehensive that most dangerous concessions are about to be thought of to the Catholics, such as shortly, and surely, will shake the foundations of the Protestant church."

On the 8th of May, 1828, the Catholic question was brought forward by Sir Francis Burdett. He moved a resolution to this effect-"That it is the opinion of this committee that it is expedient to consider the state of the laws affecting his majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland, with a view to such a final and conciliatory settlement as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his majesty's subjects." The motion was carried by a majority of six. "The debate which followed was only remarkable for its result," says Mr. Roebuck. In the opinion of Mr. Peel it was quite otherwise. In his Memoirs he tells us "It was remarked by Mr. Brougham, who closed the debate, that no single member of those who had opposed the motion of Sir Francis Burdett, had affirmed the proposition that things could remain as they were; and that it was impossible to conceal or deny the great progress which this

question had made in parliament, and the much greater out of doors." Mr. Peel gives a list of the speakers; and modestly remarks, that "the great preponderance of talent and influence on the future decisions of the House of Commons, was ranged on the other side." Another significant fact was-"That many of the younger members of the House of Commons, who had previously taken a part against the Roman Catholic claims, followed the example of Mr. Brownlow, and admitted the change of opinion; and that it very rarely, if ever, happened, that the list of speakers against concession was reinforced by a young member of even ordinary ability."

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Another important event was the Clare election. Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald had accepted the office of President of the Board of Trade. As the necessary consequence the seat for the county of Clare became vacant. Notwithstanding his views in favour of emancipation, Mr. O'Connell determined to propose himself as a candidate in opposition, and was returned. "The election," as Mr. Peel writes, "afforded a decisive proof, not only that the instrument (the forty-shilling franchise) on which the Protestant proprietor had hitherto mainly relied for the maintenance of his political influence, had completely failed him; but that, through the combined exertions of the agitator and the priest, or rather, I should say, through the contagious sympathies of a common cause among all classes of the Roman Catholic population, the instrument of defence and supremacy had been converted into a weapon fatal to the authority of the landlord." "All the gentry and fortypound freeholders," writes Mr. Fitzgerald, "voted for me; all the great interests broke down. Such a scene as we have had; such a tremendous prospect as it opens to us. The sheriff has made a special return, and you will say a strange one; but it will force parliament instantly to take it up. It states that I was proposed as a Protestant, being a fit person to represent the county in parliament; that Mr. O'Connell was also proposed; that he (O'Connell) had declared before the sheriff that he was a Roman Catholic, and intended to continue a Roman Catholic. It states that a protest was made against his return by the electors; as well as the certificate that he was called to the bar as a Roman Catholic. It states the numbers for each candidate: and thus it leaves the return." Lord Anglesea, in anticipation of the election, writes word-" There are at Ennis near 300 constabulary; at Clare castle (close at hand), forty-seven artillery, with two six-pounders; 120 cavalry, 415 infantry. Within a few hours, 183 cavalry, 1,313 infantry. Within thirty-six hours, twenty-eight cavalry, 1,367 infantry, two sixpounders; besides large reserves at a further distance." Nevertheless, his lordship trusted that the agitators would preserve order; as they had the power, as well as the inclination, to accomplish it. No wonder people were alarmed. It was obvious, what could be done in Clare could be done in other districts.

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"The Clare election," writes Mr. Peel, "supplied the manifest proof of an abnormal and unhealthy condition of the public mind in Ireland-the manifest proof that the sense of a common grievance, and the sympathies of a common interest, were beginning to loosen the ties which connect different classes of men in friendly relation to each other; to weaken the force of personal and local attachments; and to unite the scattered elements of society into a homogeneous and disciplined mass, yielding willing obedience to the assumed authority of superior intelligence, hostile to the law, and government which administered it." intelligent people saw that the Clare election was the turning-point of the struggle. Even Lord Eldon saw it. After observing "Nothing is talked of now which interests anybody the least in the world except the election of Mr. O'Connell;" he adds-"As Mr. O'Connell will not, though elected, be allowed to take his seat in the House of Commons unless he will take the oaths, &c. (and that he won't do unless he can get absolution), his rejection from the Commons may excite rebellion in Ireland. At all events, this business must bring the Roman Catholic question, which has been so often discussed, to a crisis and a conclusion. The nature of that conclusion I do not think likely to be favourable to Protestantism."