Philippi," was Mr. Disraeli's rejoinder: and meet they did, as the enterprising candidate found his way into the House as member for Maidstone. His début was eminently unsuccessful: so great was the laughter created by his appearance and style of speaking, that he was compelled to resume his seat, prophesying, however, with characteristic confidence-" Though I sit down now, the time will come when you will hear me"-a prediction which, of course, made the House more merry than ever.

In 1841, Mr. Disraeli took his seat as M.P. for Shrewsbury, and a follower of Sir Robert Peel. It was said that he made the latter an offer of assistance, which he was so indiscreet as to decline. Be that as it may, the same year which saw his political novels, Coningsby, and Sybil, and Tancred appear, also witnessed their author impeaching and defying the great head of the Conservative party. Peel was described as "a great parliamentary middleman, who bamboozled one party, and plundered the other." The attacks of the new orator were witheringly effective. They were long remembered for their brilliancy, point, and satire; and when 1846 came, and Sir Robert avowed himself a free-trader, the orator enjoyed the reputation of success. Thus inspirited, he returned to the charge, and badgered Sir Robert as no Prime Minister had been badgered since the days of Walpole. And no sooner had Sir Robert Peel been driven from power, than Mr. Disraeli, with the assistance of Lord Bentinck, organised an opposition to the Whigs, and offered to the shattered hosts of the Conservatives a rallying-point and a battle-cry. The party of which Mr. Disraeli was the guiding spirit, was opposed to the rudest shocks; but the leader was not disappointed or cast down: and, at the general election for 1847, he was returned, to his own intense delight, M.P. for Buckinghamshire-an honour he has ever since retained. In the autumn of 1848, just as matters were beginning to brighten, death suddenly carried off his particular friend and ally; but in the ensuing session, he signalised his accession to the leadership by proposing an inquiry into the state of the nation, and by asking for a reduction of the burdens on land. After the death of Sir Robert Peel, Disraeli's leadership became considerably strengthened; and in February, 1852, he appeared, for the first time, in the position to which his talents and energy gave him every claim-as Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Conservative administration, of which Lord Derby was the head. The spectacle of a novelist figuring as Chancellor of the Exchequer, at first made the wise and prudent shake their heads; and afforded the silly and stupid an opportunity for a sneer. But when the autumn session was held, and the financial scheme of the new Chancellor had been explained in a speech of five hours' duration, a loud clamour was raised against the increase of the house-tax, and the decrease of the malt duty. An impassioned debate took place; Mr. Disraeli was left in a considerable minority; and, in a few days, the Derby cabinet was a thing of the past. In 1858, the Derbyites resumed office, and Mr. Disraeli was again Chancellor of the Exchequer; but only for a very short time. As soon as parliament met, and the government Reform Bill was proposed, it was summarily, and, as many think, unwisely rejected by a combination of Whigs and Radicals: and ever since, Mr. Disraeli has continued the leader of the country party, who, for the loan of his splendid talents, have, since the death of Lord George Bentinck, given him but a cold and unwilling support. However, as they have no one equal to him as a leader-no mind so subtle-no oratory so brilliant as his own-they must endure and obey. In these days of "the steamship and the railway, and the thoughts that shake mankind," the aristocracy of birth must be ruled by that of intellect.

Parliament met in January; and the royal speech, at the opening of the session, suggested an inquiry whether there might not be still a remission "of the existing duties upon many articles, the produce or manufacture of other countries." Large reductions in taxation on tallow, timber, silks, sugar, and other articles were announced. On the 27th of January, these remissions, and also the ministerial

intentions with respect to the corn-laws, were announced. Peel proposed to admit all agricultural produce used for cattle-feed duty free. Colonial-grown wheat was to pay a mere nominal duty, and protection to cease totally in three years; the delay being granted to enable the farmers to arrange for the new state of things. The opposition was chiefly personal. The Conservatives felt irritated and betrayed: they made a stiff fight, in spite of the West India interest turning against them. On the 27th of February, the motion for going into committee was carried. When the numbers were announced, at nearly four o'clock in the morning, "the majority," writes Mr. Disraeli, "had not reached those three magical figures supposed to be necessary under the circumstances." In a House of 581 members present, the amendment of the protectionists was defeated only by ninety-seven; and 242 gentlemen, in spite of desertion, difficulty, and defeat, still maintained the "chastity of their honour."

Sir Robert Peel repeatedly, and in the most pointed manner, rests his conduct solely upon public grounds. "Two matters," he said, "have occupied the attention of the House during this debate: the one, the manner in which a party should be conducted; the other, the measures by which an imminent public calamity shall be mitigated, and the principles by which the commercial policy of a great empire shall, for the future, be governed. On the first point by far the greater part of this debate has turned. I do not undervalue its importance; but, great as it is, surely it is subordinate, in the eyes of a people, to that other question to which I have referred the precautions to be taken against impending scarcity, and the principles by which your commercial policy shall hereafter be governed. On the party questions, I admit I have little defence to make. These are, I admit, the worst questions which, for party interests, could have been brought forward. I admit, also, that it is unfortunate that the conduct of this measure, so far as the corn-laws are concerned, should be committed to my hands. It would, no doubt, have been far preferable that those should have the credit-if credit there be-for an adjustment of the corn-laws, who have been uniform and consistent opponents of those laws. I was prepared to facilitate that adjustment by others by my vote, and by the exercise of whatever influence I could command. With respect to the course which I have pursued towards those who so long have given me their support, I admit that it is but natural that they should withhold from me their confidence. I admit that the course I am pursuing is at variance with the principles on which party is ordinarily conducted. But I do ask of them whether it is probable that I would sacrifice their favourable opinion and their support, unless I was influenced by urgent considerations of public duty? Notwithstanding that which may have passed in this debate-notwithstanding the asperity with which some have spoken-I will do that party which has hitherto supported me the justice they deserve. No person can fill the situation I fill without being aware of the motives by which a great party is influenced. I necessarily have an opportunity of knowing what are the personal objects of those around me; and this I will say, notwithstanding the threatened forfeiture of their confidence, that I do not believe (speaking, generally, of the great body of the party) that there ever existed a party influenced by more honourable and disinterested feelings. But, whether holding a private station, or placed in a public one, I will claim for myself the privilege of yielding to the force of argument and conviction, and acting upon the results of enlarged experience. It may be supposed that there is something humiliating in making such admissions. I feel no such humiliation. I have not so much confidence in the capacity of man to determine what is right or wrong, as to make me feel abashed at admitting I have been in error. I should feel humiliation if, having modified or changed my opinions, I declined to acknowledge the change for fear of incurring the imputation of inconsistency. The question is, whether the facts are sufficient to account for the change, and the motives for it are pure and disinterested."

On another occasion, in answer to the taunt launched at him, that the party

who had placed him in power was strong enough to displace him, Sir Robert said "Let us understand-and I am speaking, not for myself, but for many honourable men, of different parties, who have preceded me-let us understand what is the nature of the obligation which we owe for being placed in office. I have served four sovereigns-George III. and his three successors. I served each of those sovereigns at critical times, and under critical circumstances. I did so with constant truth to each; and I constantly said to each of those sovereigns, that there was but one favour, one distinction, one reward which I desired, and which it was in their power to offer me-namely, the simple acknowledgment, on their part, that I had been to them a loyal and faithful minister. I have now stated my view of the obligations which are conferred on those in power. Believe me, to conduct the government of this country is a most arduous duty. I may say it without irreverence, that these ancient institutions, like our physical frames, are fearfully and wonderfully made. It is no easy task to ensure the united action of an ancient monarchy, a proud aristocracy, and a reformed constituency."

On the 16th Sir Robert spoke in a loftier view. "This night," said he, "is to decide between the policy of continued relaxation of restriction, or of the return to restraint and prohibition. This night you will select the motto which is to indicate the commercial policy of England. Shall it be Advance' or 'Recede?' Which is the fitter motto for this great empire? Survey our position; consider the advantages which God and nature have given us, and the destiny for which we are intended. We stand on the confines of Western Europe, the chief connecting link between the old world and the new. The discoveries of science, the improvement of navigation, have brought us within ten days of St. Petersburg, and will soon bring us within ten days of New York. We have an extent of coast greater, in proportion to our population, and the area of our land, than any other great nation, securing to us maritime strength and superiority. Iron and coal, the sinews of manufacture, give us advantages over every rival in the great competition of industry. Our capital far exceeds that which they can command. In ingenuity, in skill, in energy, we are inferior to none. Our national character; the free institutions under which we live; the liberty of thought and action; an unshackled press, spreading the knowledge of every discovery and of every advance in science, combine, with our national and physical advantages, to place us at the head of those nations which profit by the free interchange of their products. And is this the country to shrink from competition? Is this the country to adopt a retrograde policy? Is this the country which can only flourish in the sickly, artificial atmosphere of protection ?"

This speech excited the utmost admiration. Mr. Bright said "The right honourable baronet delivered last night a speech, I will venture to say more powerful, and more to be admired, than any speech which has been delivered within the memory of any man in this House. I watched the right honourable baronet as he went home last night, and, for the first time, I envied him his feelings." Then, turning to the Conservatives, he continued-" You chose the right honourable baronet, and placed him in office. Why? Because he was the ablest man of your party. You always said so, and you will not deny it now. Why was he the ablest? Because he had the great experience, profound attainments, and an honest regard for the good of the country. There are such things

as the responsibility of office. Look at the population of Lancashire and Yorkshire, and ask yourselves whether, with all your valour, and although you talk of raising the standard of protection, there are men in your ranks who will take their seats on the Treasury bench, pledged to a maintenance of the corn-law? I defy them to do it."

The second reading of the bill was fixed for the 23rd of March. "On the fourth night of the debate," writes Mr. Disraeli, "not the least remarkable speech of the evening-though one, at the time, little comprehended-was that with which Lord Palmerston unexpectedly followed Mr. Stafford, and closed the debate.