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in the open; yet our labour it is which keeps up their luxury. We are called slaves; and if we fail at our tasks we are flogged; and we have no king to complain to, nor anyone who will hear us and do justice. Let us go to the king, who is young, and remonstrate with him on our slavery, telling him we must have it otherwise, or we ourselves shall find the remedy. If we wait on him in a body, all those who come under the title of slaves, or are held in bondage, will follow us in hope of being free. When the king sees us we shall get a favourable answer, or we must seek ourselves to amend our lot."*

Attempts were in fact being made, not only to reduce the wages of day labourers by enforcing anew the statute of King Edward III. in relation to payments to hinds and craftsmen, and to maintain the serfs who still existed in their degraded position, but to bring back the old forced labour, which had been gradually commuted for money payments. Throughout the country districts of England there were now established hundreds of thousands of yeomen and lifeholders, who had freed themselves from the more galling trammels of feudalism, and any such attacks upon their hard-won rights or the rights of the free labourers, met with a stout resistance.

The tenants on the feudal estates, whether small or large,

* It is well to show that the idea of socialism is no foreign importation into England. Tyler, Cade, Ball, Kett, More, Bellers, Spence, Owen, read to me like sound English names: not a foreigner in the whole batch. They all held opinions which our capitalist-landlord House of Commons would denounce as direct plagiarisms from 66 continental revolutionists." We islanders have been revolutionists however, and will be again, ignorant as our capitalists are of the history of the people. Edmund Burke, with his fine sophistical Whiggery, of course sneered at coarse, vigorous John Ball. But then, so far as we know, Ball did not sell himself to the nobles as Burke did.

Competition The relations

had also as good a right and title to their lands, subject to the dues which they paid to the lords or the church, as the nobles, the clergy, or the king had to theirs. for farms in our modern sense was unknown. between the various parties interested were in the main personal, and these continued even when the main fabric of feudalism was falling into decay. Such a body of tillers of the soil produced their crops as a whole for the use of their own people. Farming with a view to profit alone was only just beginning. Though England at this time exported its superfluity of grain, wool, and hides after the people had been well fed, well clothed, and well shod, only a few large landed proprietors carried on this business with a. direct view to commercial gain. The mass of the small farmers worked on their land in much the same spirit as the early settlers on the eastern coast of North America, or, as some farmers do to-day in the Western States, though with even less idea of exchanging the greater part of their crops. Their methods of tillage were rude, but they continued to get out of the soil an excellent subsistence for themselves and their families, as well as for the hinds who ordinarily fed at the yeoman farmer's own table.

Holding the land, having the implements and the produce alike at their disposal, subject only to certain payments whose amount was well established, such people were free in every sense, economical and personal. No man could call

upon them to work, none to fight save of their own freewill and consent; they had at hand the means for feeding, clothing, and housing themselves and their families without being beholden to any. All records of the time go to show what a fine, vigorous folk were these independent

small farmers of the fifteenth century. The longer these favourable conditions continued, the sturdier and more independent became these people who were the backbone of the country. We can see how quickly even in our own time good food and healthy surroundings improve the character of a population, how misery and squalor fade away under sound economical conditions for the mass of the people.* This happy state of things for the English farmers lasted about four generations, and we need feel no surprise at the admirable result for England as a whole.

The country labourers in regard to diet, clothing, and house-room were little worse off than the yeomen and farmers themselves. Indeed, the line between the two was not easy to draw. A small farmer would work, at the high wages then current, for his richer neighbour, for the lord, the priory, or the state, side by side with the hind who at other times might be in his own employ. For the labourer himself owned land, and worked upon it for the support of himself and his family. From the produce of several acres he could obtain sufficient to render him a very independent bargainer for the use of his vital force on other men's business. Each labourer's cottage had land attached to it, and he lived, it may be said, almost rent free. After the abolition of villenage, the small money payment that might be due was a trifling percentage compared with what his labour could procure for him in wages, food, and clothing from work on his own land or work for

* The children of our worn-out workpeople transplanted to Canada and New Zealand become magnificent specimens of the human race, far exceeding their parents in weight and stature. This I have often observed myself. The children on board the training-ships when well fed and well clad grow also into fine lads enough, though taken from very bad conditions of life in our cities.

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others. He was a wage-earner for the most part when it suited it him to be so by no means a wage-earner at the disposal of the employing class in return for the bare means of subsistence his life through.

For in addition to the land which he held with his cottage, there lay around every hamlet and village, there were to be seen on the outskirts of every country town, large stretches of common land on which the labourers might depasture their cattle, sheep, pigs, or geese. There were few, indeed, who could not avail themselves of this right of common property. Rates of wages by themselves show this. In all periods, in all countries, and under all systems of society there is but one test of the well-being of the great mass of the people, that is, what can a man get in food, clothing, and housing in return for a day's or a week's work? It matters not whether he gets this return directly or indirectly, provided he is master of his own body and is assured of steady employment. In the fifteenth century, then, the English country labourer with his cow, his sheep, or his geese on the common, and his four-acre patch at least round his cabin, received no less than 4d. a day without food. If fed at the farmer's own table, he got from 2d. to 24d. But this same 4d. a day for plain unskilled labour could buy something worth having in those times.* Less than eighteen days' work would purchase the

* The prices of diverse sorts of provisions and fresh Achates spent in the priory of Southwick from A° 2 R. Henry V. to the end of 2 Henry VI. taken forth of an old parchment book written at the time :—

Wheat, at 4s. and 5s. 4d. the qr.,

betwixt both.

Malt, from 3s. 4d. to 5s.

Barley, from 3s. 2d. to 4s. 10d.
Oats, from 1s. 10d. to 2s. 4d.

Salt, qr. 4s.

Oxen and bulls, 12s. to 16s.
Calves, 1s. 4d. to 2s. 8d.
Muttons, 1s. 2d. to 1s. 4d.
Goats, 2s. 6d. to 4s.

agricultural labourer a quarter of the best wheat. This, taking the market price, including transport; and of course the labourer himself could get his portion of the harvest at a much lower rate on the spot. A good cow he could earn by less than six weeks' work; a sow would cost him little more than ten days' work; a fat sheep would be worth about three days' work; and a fat goose rather more than one day's work. All these are market prices, whilst it is easy to see that the labourer in the country districts could obtain them at a much lower price on the average. Strong beer he could always have as much of as he wanted without greatly limiting his other expenditure or at all lowering his standard of life. The labourer's clothing was at higher prices in proportion; but that the people were well clad will shortly appear from even stronger evidence than that of prices. So well did the people fare, that Piers Ploughman, who certainly has no sympathy with the nobles or the church, admits that even beggars after harvest would not eat other than wheaten bread.* Even the comparatively few labourers who did not hold any land were in very good case. That their houses were rough and their domestic utensils rude in the extreme are drawbacks which they Hogs for pork or bacon, from Honey, quart 3d.

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Eggs, 25 a penny.

Cheese, lb. d.

*

Cider, tun 10s. to 14s.

Mallard. 1d. to 2d.

Pigs (ie., sucking), 2 d. to 5d.
Geese, 2 d. to 5d.

Pigeons, 3 a penny.

Conies, 2d.

Fresh congers, 4d. to 1s. 8d.

-Thorold Rogers, "History of Agriculture and
Prices in England," vol. iv. p. 111.

"Would no beggar eat bread that in it beans were,
But of cockit and clemantyne or else clene whete."
"Vision of Piers Ploughman."

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