historian Dion also records as having suffered the same he had heard the wolf with the twins was found' near accident as is alluded to by the orator. The question the arch of Septimius Severus. The commentator un agitated by the antiquarics is, whether the wolf now Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that learned in the conservator's palace is that of Livy and Dio-person, and is incensed at Nardini for not having renysis, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither marked that Cicero, in speaking of the wolf struck one nor the other. The earlier writers differ as much with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the past as the moderns: Lucius Faunus says, that it is the one tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does not alluded to by both, which is impossible, and also by positively assert the statue to be that mentioned by Virgil, which may be. Fulvius Ursinus calls it the Cicero, and, if he had, the assumption would not perwolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus talks of it as the haps have been so exceedingly indiscreet. The Abate one mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycquius trem-himself is obliged to own that there are marks very blingly assents. Nardini is inclined to suppose it may like the scathing of lightning in the hinder legs of the be one of the many wolves preserved in ancient Rome; present wolf! and, to get rid of this, adds, that the wolf but of the two rather bends to the Ciceronian statue." seen by Dionysius might have been also struck by lightMontfaucon mentions it as a point without doubt. ning, or otherwise injured. Of the later writers the decisive Winkelmann pro- Let us examine the subject by a reference to the claims it as having been found at the church of Saint words of Cicero. The orator in two places seems to Theodore, where, or near where, was the temple of particularize the Romulus and the Remus, especially Romulus, and consequently makes it the wolf of the first, which his audience remembered to have been Dionysius. His authority is Lucius Faunus, who, how-in the Capitol, as being struck with lightning. In his ever, only says that it was placed not found, at the verses he records that the twins and wolf both fell, and Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, by which he does that the latter left behind the marks of her feet. Cicero not seem to allude to the church of Saint Theodore. does not say that the wolf was consumed: and Dion Rycquius was the first to make the mistake, and only mentions that it fell down, without alluding, as Winkelmann followed Rycquius. the Abate has made him, to the force of the blow, or Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says the firmness with which it had been fixed. The whole strength, therefore, of the Abate's argument, hangs atque lactanten, uberibus lupinis inhiantem fuisse meminis- upon the past tense; which, however, may be someIn Catilin. iii. 8. us. "Hic sylvestris erat Romani nominis eltrix Quæ tum cum pueris flammato fulminis ictu De Consulatu, lib. it. (lib. i. de Divinat. cap. ii.) what diminished by remarking that the phrase only shows that the statue was not then standing in its former position. Winkelmann has observed, that the present twins are modern; and it is equally clear that · Ἐν γὰρ τῷ καπητωλίῳ ἀνδριάντες τὲ πολλοὶ ὑπὸ there are marks of gilding on the wolf, which might κεραυνών συνεχωνεύθησαν, καὶ ἄγαλματα ἄλλα τε, therefore be supposed to make part of the ancient καὶ Διὸς ἐπὶ κίονος ἱδρυμένου, εἰκών τέ τις λυκαίνης group. It is known that the sacred images of the Capi σύνετε τῷ Ρώμῳ καὶ σὺν τῷ Ρωμύλῳ ἱδρυμένη ἔπεση. tol were not destroyed when injured by time or accident, Dion. Hist. lib. xxxvii. pag. 37. edit. Rob. Steph. 1548. He but were put into certain underground depositories goes on to mention that the letters of the columns on which the laws were written were liquefied and become dvop. called favissa. It may be thought possible that the All that the Romans did was to erect a large statue to Jupiter, wolf had been so deposited, and had been replaced in looking towards the cast: no mention is afterwards made of the wolf. This happened in A. U. C. 689. The Abate Fea, some conspicuous situation when the Capitol was rein noticing this passage of Dion. (Storia delle arti, etc., tom. built by Vespasian. Rycquius, without mentioning his i. p. 202. note x.) says, Non ostante, aggiunge Dione, che fusse ben-fermata (the wolf), by which it is clear the Abate authority, tells that it was transferred from the Comitranslated the Xylandro-Leuclavian version, which puts tium to the Lateran, and thence brought to the Capitol. quamvis stabilita for the original idpouévn, a word that does not mean ben-fermata, but only raised, as may be, distinctly If it was found near the arch of Severus, it may have seen from another passage of the same Dion: H6ov0n been one of the images which Orosius says was thrown μὲν οὖν ὁ Αγρίππας καὶ τὸν Αύγουστον ἐνταῦθα ἱδρύσαι. down in the Forum by lightning when Alaric took the Hist. lib. Ivi Dion says that Agrippa "wished to raise a statue of Augustus in the Pantheon.' 2 "In eadem porticu ænea lupa, cujus uberibus Romulus ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et Virgilius semper intellexere. Livius hoc signum ab Adilibus ex pecuniis quibus muletati essent feneratores, positum in suit. Antea in Comitis nd Ficum Rúminalem, quo loco pueri fuerant expositi locatum pro certo est." Luc. Fauni, de Antiq Urb. Rom. lib. i. cap. vii. 7. Sallengre, tom. i. P. 217. In his XVIth chapter he repeats that the statues were there, but not that they were found there. 3 Ap. Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv. 3 city. That it is of very high antiquity the workmanship is a decisive proof; and that circumstance induced Winkelmann to believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The Capitoline wolf, however, may have been of the same early date as that at the temple of Romulus. Lactantius 4 asserts that, in his time, the Romans worshipped a wolf; and it is known that the Lupercalia held out to 1 "Intesi dire, che l'Ercole di bronzo, che oggi si trova nella 1 Marliani, Urb. Rom. topograph. lib. ii. cap. ix. He mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. v. cap. xxi. 5 Non desunt qui hane ipsam esse putent, quam adpinxi-sala del Campidoglio, fu trovato nel foro Romano appresso mus, qui e comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum nonnullis alis antiquitarum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolium postea relata ait, quamvis Marianus antiquani Capitolinam esse maluit a Tullio descriptam, cui ut in re nimis dubia, trepide assentimur." Just. Rycquii de Capit. Roman. Comm. cap. xxv. pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696. 6 Nardini Roma Vetus, lib. v. cap. iv. 7" Lupa hodieque in capitolinis prostat ædibus, cum vesugic fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero." Diarium Italic. tom. . p. 174. 8 Storia delle arti, e.., lib. iii. cap. iii. ii. note 10. Winkelmann has made a strange blunder in the note, by saying the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, end that Dion was wrong in saying so. l'arco di Settimio e vi fu trovata anche la lupa di bronzo che allatta Romolo e Remo, està nella Loggia de' conservatori." Flam. Vacca. Memorie, num. iii. pag. i. ap. Montfaucon, Diar. Ital. tom. i. 2 Luc. Faun. ibid. Lac 3 See note to stanza LXXX. in Historical Illustrations. 4 "Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis, et ferrem si animal ipsum fuisset, cujus figuram gerit." tant. de falsa religione. Lib. i. cap. 20. pag. 101. edit, variot. 1660; that is to say, he would rather adore a wolf than a prostitute. His commentator has observed, that the opinion of Livy concerning Laurentia being figured in this wolf was not universal. Strabo thought so. Rycquius is wrong in say ing that Lactantius mentions the wolf was in the Capitol a very late period after every other observance of the of the gilding, and of the lightning, are a better arguancient superstition had totally expired. This may ac-ment in favour of its being the Ciceronian wolf than count for the preservation of the ancient image longer than the other early symbols of paganism. any that can be adduced for the contrary opinion. At "Geminos huic ubera circum Note 47. Stanza xc. It may be permitted, however, to remark that the wolf was a Roman symbol, but that the worship of that symbol is an inference drawn by the zeal of Lactantius. The early Christian writers are not to be trusted in the charges which they make against the pagans. Eusebius accused the Romans to their faces of worshipping Simon Magus, and raising a statue to him in the island of the Tyber. The Romans had prob-for the Roman's mind ably never heard of such a person before, who came, Was modell'd in a less terrestrial mould. however, to play a considerable, though scandalous part It is possible to be a very great man, and to be still in the church nistory, and has left several tokens of his aerial combat with St. Peter at Rome; notwithstanding very inferior to Julius Cæsar, the most complete charthat an inscription found in this very island of the acter, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature Tyber showed the Simon Magus of Eusebius to be a seems incapable of such extraordinary combinations as certain indigenal god, called Semo Sangus or Fidius. 2 composed his versatile capacity, which was the wonder Even when the worship of the founder of Rome had even of the Romans themselves. The first generalthe only triumphant politician-inferior to none in been abandoned, it was thought expedient to humour the habits of the good matrons of the city by sending eloquence-comparable to any in the attainments of them with their sick infants to the church of St. Theo wisdom, in an age made up of the greatest commanders, dore, as they had before carried them to the temple of statesmen, orators, and philosophers, that ever appeared Romulus. The practice is continued to this day; and in the world-an author who composed a perfect specithe site of the above church seems to be thereby identified with that of the temple: so that if the wolf had been really found there, as Winkelmann says, there would be no doubt of the present statue being that seen by Dionysius. But Faunus, in saying that it was at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, is only talking of its ancient position as recorded by Pliny; and even if he had been remarking where it was found, would not have alluded to the church of St. Theodore, but to a very different place, near which it was then thought the Ficus Ruminalis had been, and also the Comitium; that is, the three columns by the church of Santa Maria Liberatrice, at the corner of the Palatine looking on the Forum. It is, in fact, a mere conjecture where the image was actually dug up, and perhaps, on the whole, the marks 1 To A. D. 496. "Quis credere possit," says Baronius, (Ana. Eccles, tom. viii. pag. 602. in sn. 496.) "viguisse adhuc Romæ ad Gelasii tempora, quæ fuere ante exordia urbis alata in Italian Lupercalia?" Gelasius wrote a letter which occupies four fobo pages to Andromachus, the senator, and others, to show that the rites should be given up. 2 Eusebius has there words: καὶ ἀνδριάντι παρ' ὑμῖν ὡς θεὸς τετίμηται, ἐν τῷ Τίβερι μεταμῷ μεταξὺ τῶν δύο γεφ τρῶν, ἔχων ἐπιγραφὴν Ρωμαϊκὴν ταύτην, Σίμωνι δέψ Sayr. Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. cap. xiii. p. 40. Justin Martyr had told the story before; but Baronius himself was obliged to detect this fable. See Nardini Roma Vet. lib. vii. cap. xii. 3 "In essa gli antichi pontefici per toglier la memoria de' giuochi Lupercali istituiti in onore di Romolo, introdussero l' o di portarvi Bambini oppressi da infermità occulte, acció si benno per l'intercessione di questo Santo, come di confinuo si sperimenta." Rione xi. Ripa, accurata e succinta descrizione, etc., di Roma Moderna dell' Ab. Ridolf. Venuti, 1766. 4 Nardini, lib. v. cap. ii. convicts Pomponius Letus crassi erroris, in putting the Ruminal fig-tree at the church of Saint Theodore but as Livy says the wolf was at the Ficus RomiBais, and Dionysius at the temple of Romulus, he is obliged (cap. iv.) to own that the two were close together, as well as the Lupercal cave, shaded, as it were, by the fig-tree. 6 "Ad comitium ficus olim Ruminalis germinabat, sub qua lepe runiam, hoc est, mammam, docente Varrone, suxerant olim Romulus et Remus; non procul a tempio hodie D. Maria Liberatricis appellato, ubi forsan inventa nobilis illa anea statua lupa geminos puerulos lactantis, quam hodie in men of military annals in his travelling-carriage-at one time in a controversy with Cato, at another writing a treatise on punning, and collecting a set of good sayings-fighting 3 and making love at the same moment, and willing to abandon both his empire and his mistress for a sight of the fountains of the Nile. Such those of the subsequent ages, who were the most in did Julius Caesar appear to his contemporaries, and to clined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius. But we must not be so much dazzled with his sur passing glory or with his magnanimous, his amiable qualities, as to forget the decision of his impartial countrymen: HE WAS JUSTLY SLAIN.4 facies, cap. x. See also cap. xii. Borrichius wrote after NarCapitolio videmus.", Olai Borrichii antiqua Urbis Romana dini in 167. Ap. Græv. Antiq. Rom. tom. iv. p. 1522. I Donatus, lib. xi. cap. 18, gives a medal representing on one side the wolf in the same position as that in the Capitol; and in the reverse the wolf with the head not reverted. It is of the time of Antoninus Pius. 2 Æneid, viii. 631. See Dr. Middleton, in his Letter from Rome, who inclines to the Ciceronian wolf, but without ex amining the subject. 3 In his tenth book, Lucan shows him sprinkled with the blood of Pharsalia in the arms of Cleopatra : "Sanguine Thessalice cladis perfusus adulter Admisit Venerem curis, et miscuit armis.' After feasting with his mistress, he sits up all night to converse with the Egyptian sages, and teils Achoreus "Spes sit mihi certa videndi Niliacos fontes, bellam civile relinquam:" Immediately afterwards, he is fighting again and defending every position: "Sed adest defensor ubique Cæsar, et hos aditus gladiis, hos ignibus arcet. Insiluit Cæsar semper feliciter usus 4 "Jure cursus existimetur," says Suetonius, after a fair estimation of his character, and making use of a phrase which tiavit, etiam si regni crimine insons fuerit." (lib. iv. cap. 48.; was a formula in Livy's time. "Melium jure casum pronunand which was continued in the legal judgments pronounced Sueton. in vit. C. J. Casaris, with the commentary of Pi'iscus in justifiable homicides, such as killing housebreakers. Sen p. 184 Note 48. Stanza xciii. What from this barren being do we reap? Note 53. Stanza cx. -and apostolic statues climb To crush the imperial urn, whose ashes slept sublime. The column of Trajan is surmounted by St. Peter, that of Aurelius by St. Paul. See Historical Illustrations Note 54. Stanza cxi. Still we Trajan's name adore. Omnes pene veteres; qui nihil cognosci, nihil percipi, nihil sciri posse dixerunt; angustos sensus; imbecilles animos, brevia curricula vita; in profundo of the IVth Canto, etc. veritatem demersam; opinionibus et institutis omnia teneri; nihil veritati relinqui: deinceps omnia tenebris circumfusa esse dixerunt." 1 The eighteen hundred years which have elapsed since Cicero wrote this have not removed any of the imperfections of humanity and the complaints of the ancient philosophers may, without injustice or affectation, be transcribed in a poem written yesterday. Note 49. Stanza xcix. There is a stern round tower of other days. : Note 52. Stanza cviii. There is the moral of all human tales; Trajan was proverbially the best of the Roman princes: and it would be easier to find a sovereign uniting exactly the opposite characteristics, than one possessed of all the happy qualities ascribed to this emperor. "When he mounted the throne," says the historian Dion,2 "he was strong in body, he was vigorous in mind; age had impaired none of his faculties; he was altogether free from envy and from detraction; he honoured all the good and he advanced them; and on this account they could not be the objects of his fear or of his hate; he never listened to informers; he gave not way to his anger; he abstained equally from unfair exactions and unjust punishments; he had rather be loved as a man than honoured as a sovereign; he was affable with his people, respectful to the senate, and universally beloved by both; he inspired none with dread but the enemies of his country." Note 55. Stanza cxiv. Rienzi, last of Romans! The name and exploits of Rienzi must be familiar to the reader of Gibbon. Some details and inedited man uscripts, relative to this unhappy hero, will be seen in the Illustrations of the IVth Canto. Note 56. Stanza cxv. Egeria! sweet creation of some heart relating to Joachim Murat," pag. 139. 1 "Hujus tantum memoriæ delatum est, ut, usque ad nostram ætatem non aliter in Senatu principibus acclamatur, nisi, FELICIOR. AVGVSTO. MELIOR. TRAJANO." Eutrop. Brev. Hist. Rom. lib. viii. cap. v. The respectable authority of Flaminius Vacca would incline us to believe in the claims of the Egerian grotto.' He assures us that he saw an inscription on the paveThe author of the Life of Cicero, speaking of the opinion entertained of Britain by that orator and his ment, stating that the fountain was that of Egeria dedicotemporary Romans, has the following eloquent pas-at Paris, efforts were made for his release. The French minsage: "From their railleries of this kind, on the bar-ister continued to detain him, under the pretext that he was barity and misery of our island, one cannot help re-not an Englishman, but only a Roman. See "Interesting facts flecting on the surprising fate and revolutions of kingdoms, how Rome, once the mistress of the world, the seat of arts, empire, and glory, now lies sunk in sloth, ignorance, and poverty, enslaved to the most cruel as well as to the most contemptible of tyrants, superstition, 2 Τῷ τε γὰρ σώματι ἔῤῥωτο.......καὶ τῇ ψυχῇ ἔκμαζεν, and religious imposture: while this remote country, ὡς μήθ' ὑπὸ γήρως ἀμβλύνεσθαι.........καὶ οὔτ ̓ ἐφθόνει, anciently the jest and contempt of the polite Romans, οὔτε καθήρει τινὰ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ πάντας τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς is become the happy seat of liberty, plenty, and letters; ἐτίμᾳ καὶ ἐμεγάλυνε καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὔτε ἐφοβεῖτο τινα flourishing in all the arts and refinements of civil life; αὐτῶν, οὔτε ἐμίσει........διαβολαῖς τε ἥκιστα ἐπιστεύει yet running perhaps the same course which Rome it- καὶ ὀργῇ ἥκιστα ἐδουλοῦτο. τῶν τε χρημάτων τῶν ἄλλω self had run before it, from virtuous industry to wealth; | τρίων ἴσα καὶ φόνων τῶν ἀδίκων ἀπείχετο.......φιλούμε from wealth to luxury; from luxury to an impatience νός τε οὖν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς μᾶλλον ἢ τιμώμενος ἔχαιρε καὶ τῷ of discipline, and corruption of morals: till, by a total τε δήμῳ μετ' ἐπιείκειας συνεγίνετο, καὶ τῇ γηρουσία σεμ degeneracy and loss of virtue, being grown ripe for νοπρεπῶς ὡμίλει· ἀγαπητὸς μὲν πᾶσι· φοβερὸς δὲ μηδενί, destruction, it fall a prey at last to some hardy oppress-A modeμiors v. Hist. Rom. lib. Ixviii. cap. îì. vii. tom. or, and, with the loss of liberty, losing every thing that. p. 1123, 1124. edit. Hamb. 1750. 3 "Poco lontano dal detto luogo si scende ad un casaletto, is valuable, sinks gradually again into its original bar-del quale ne sono Padroni li Cafarelli, che con questo nome barisn.."" 1 Academ. I. 13 2 The History of the Life of M. Tullius Cicero, sect. vi. vol. ii. pag. 102 The contrast has been reversed in a late axtraordinary instance. A gentleman was thrown into prisou è chiamato il luogo; vi è una fontana sotto una gran volte antica, che al presente si gode, e li Romani vi vanno l'estate a ricrearsi; nel pavimento di essa fonte si legge in un epitafio essere quella la fonte di Egeria, dedicata alle ninfe, e questa dice l'epitaffio, essere la medesima fonte in cui fu convertita." Memorie, etc. ap. Nardini, pag. 13. He does not give the description. cated to the nymphs. The inscription is not there at the valley of Egeria, where were several artificial caves. this day; but Montfaucon quotes two lines of Ovid It is clear that the statues of the Muses made no part from a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which he seems of the decoration which the satirist thought misplaced to think had been brought from the same grotto. in these caves; for he expressly assigns other fanes This grotto and valley were formerly frequented in [(delubra) to these divinities above the valley, and moresummer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by over tells us, that they had been ejected to make room the modern Romans, who attached a salubrious quality for the Jews. In fact, the little temple, now called that to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, whose name and qualities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dukes of that name, who made over their fountain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land. There can be little doubt, that this long dell is the Egerian valley of Juvenal, and the pausing place of Umbricius, notwithstanding the generality of his commentators have supposed the descent of the satirist and his friend to have been into the Arician grove, where the nymph met Hippolitus, and where she was more peculiarly worshipped. ว of Bacchus, was formerly thought to belong to the Muses, and Nardini places them in a poplar grove, which was in his time above the valley. It is probable, from the inscription and position, that the cave now shown may be one of the "artificial caverns," of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the valley, under a tuft of alder bushes: but a single grotto of Egeria is a mere modern invention, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian to these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames. Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistranslation by his acquaintance with Pope: he carefully preserves the correct plural flow. The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban hill, Thence slowly winding down the vale, we view fifteen miles distant, would be too considerable, unless The Egerian grots; oh, how unlike the true!" we were to believe in the wild conjecture of Vossius, The valley abounds with springs, and over these who makes that gate travel from its present station, springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighwhere he pretends it was during the reign of the Kings, bouring groves, Egeria presided: hence she was said as far as the Arican grove, and then makes it recede to supply them with water; and she was the nymph of to its old site with the shrinking city. The tufo, or the grottos through which the fountains were taught to pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is the substance composing the bank in which the grotto is sunk. The modern topographers find in the grotto the statue of the nymph and nine niches for the Muses, and a late traveller has discovered that the cave is restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted had been exchanged for injudicious ornament. But the headless statue is palpably rather a male than a nymph, and has none of the attributes ascribed it at present visible. The nine Muses could hardly has od in six niches; and Juvenal certainly does not allude to any individual cave. Nothing can be collected from the satirist but that somewhere near the Porta Capena was a spot in which it was supposed Numa held nightly consultations with his nymph, and where there was a grove and a sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated to the Muses; and that from this spot there was a descent into 1 "In villa Justiniana extat ingens lapis quadratus solidus in quo sculpta hæc duo Ovidii carmina suat Azeria est quæ præbet aquas den grata Camœnis. 2 De magnit. Vet. Rom. ap. Græv. Ant. Rom. tom iv. p. 1507 2 E. hinar Descrizione di Roma e dell' agro Romano cor retto dall' Abate Veauti in Roma, 1750. They believe in the frotto and nymph. "Simulacro di questo fonte, essendovi sculpite le seque a pie di esso,” 4 Classeul Tour, chap. vi. p. 217. vol. ii. 5 Substitit ad vcteres areus, madidamque Capenam, The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have received names at will, which have been changed at will. Venuti owns he can see no traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and Diana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find. The mutatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the temple of the god of Rediculus, are the antiquaries' despair. The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that emperor cited by Fulvius Ursinus, of which the reverse shows a circus, supposed, however, by some to represent the Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea of that place of exercise. The soil has been but little raised, if we may judge from the sma! cellular structure at the end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the god Consus. This cell is halt bereath the soil, as it must have been in th circus itse 'f, for Dionysius 4 could not be persuaded to believe that this divinity was the Roman Neptune, because his alta was under ground. Note 59. Stanza cxl. sentiments of our ancestors, to prate in the language of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this goddess to the mother or the nurse about our good old prejudices ? be synonymous with fortune and with fate: but it was This is not the way to defend the cause of truth. It in her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under was not thus that our fathers maintained it in the bril- the name of Nemesis. liant periods of our history. Prejudice may be trusted to guard the outworks for a short space of time, while reason slumbers in the citadel: but if the latter sink into a lethargy, the former will quickly erect a standard for herself. Philosophy, wisdom, and liberty, support each other; he who will not reason, is a bigot; he who cannot, is a fool; and he who dares not, is a slave." Preface, p. xiv. xv. vol. i. 1805. Note 58. Stanza cxxxii. great Nemesis! Here, where the ancient paid thee homage long. We read, in Suetonius, that Augustus, from a warnmg received in a dream,' counterfeited once a-year the Deggar, sitting before the gate of his palace, with his hand hollowed, and stretched out for charity. A statue formerly in the Villa Borghese, and which should be now at Paris, represents the emperor in that posture of supplication. The object of this self-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman conquerors | were also reminded by certain symbols attached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius; and until the criticism of Winkelmann had rectified the mistake, one fiction was called in to support another. It was the same fear of the sudden termination of prosperity that made Amasis, king of Egypt, warn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the gods loved those whose lives were chequered with good and evil fortunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent: that is, for those whose caution rendered them accessible only to mere accidents; and her first altar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian Esepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that name, who killed the son of Croesus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea. 3 4 2 I see before me the gladiator lie. Whether the wonderful statue which suggested this image, be a laquearian gladiator, which in spite of Winkelmann's criticism, has been stoutly maintained, * or whether it be a Greek herald, as that great antiquary positively asserted, 3 or whether it is to be thought a Spartan or barbarian shield-bearer, according to the opinion of his Italian editor, it must assuredly seem a copy of that masterpiece of Ctesilaus, which represented "a wounded man dying, who perfectly expressed what there remained of life in him." Montfaucon and Maffei thought it the identical statue; but that statue was of bronze. The gladiator was once in the villa Ludovizi, and was bought by Clement XII. The right arm is an entire restoration of Michael Angelo. Note 60. Stanza cxli. -he, their sire, Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday. Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary; and were supplied from several conditions; from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits; from barbarian captives, either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, or those seized and condemned as rebels; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorati), others from a depraved ambition: at last even knights and senators were exhibited, a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor." In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity prohibited by Severus. these the most to be pitied, undoubtedly, were the barbarian captives; and to this species a Christian writer 19 justly applies the epithet "innocent," to distinguish them 1 DEAE NEMESI V. C. LEGAT. Of The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august; there was a temple to her in the Palatine, under the name of See Questiones Romanæ, etc., Ap. Græv. Antiq. Roman Rhamnusia: so great indeed was the propensity of the tom. v. p. 942. See also Muratori. Nov. Thesaur. Inseript. ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to be- Vet. tom. i. pp. 88, 89. where there are three Latin and one lieve in the divinity of fortune, that in the same Pala-Greek inscription to Nemesis, and others to Fate. tine there was a temple to the fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart; and from concentrating in one obJect the credulity so natural to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of 5 2 By the Abate Bracci, dissertazione sopra un clipeo-votivo, etc. Preface, pag. 7, who accounts for the cord round the neck, but not for the horn, which it does not appear the gladiaters themselves ever used. Note (A.) Storia delle arti, tom. ii. p. 205. 3 Either Polifontes, herald of Lains, killed by Œdipus; or Cepreas, herald of Euritheus, killed by the Athenians when he endeavoured to drag the Heraclide from the altar of 1 Sueton. in vit. Augusti, cap. 91. Casaubon, in the note, mercy, and in whose honour they instituted annual games, refers to Plutarch's Lives of Camillus and Æmilius Paulus, continued to the time of Hadrian; or Anthemocritus, the and also to his apophthegms, for the character of this deity. Athenian herald, killed by the Megarenses, who never recovThe hollowed hand was reckoned the last degree of decra-ered the impiety. See Storia delle arti, etc., tom. ii. pp. 2013, dation: and when the dead body of the præfect Rufinus was "orne about in triumph by the people, the indignity was increased by putting his hand in that position. 2 Storia delle arti, etc., lib. xii. cap. ii. tom. ii. p. 422. Visconti calls the statue, however, a Cybele. It is given in the Museo Pio Clement, tom. i. par. 40. The Abate Fea Spiegaziode dei Rami. Storia, etc., tom. iii. p. 513.) calls it a Chrisippus 2 Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea. 4 It is enumerated by the regionary Victor. 204, 205, 206, 207. lib. ix. cap. ii. 4 Storia, etc.. tom. ii. p. 207. Not. (A.) 5 "Vulneratum deficientem fecit in quo possit intellig quantum restat animæ." Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxiv. cap. 8. 6 Antiq. tom. iii. par. 2. tab. 155. 7 Racc. stat. tab. 64. 8 Mus. Capitol. tom. iii. p. 154. edit. 1755. 9 Julins Cesar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena. 10 Tertullian; "corte quidem et innocentes gladiatores in 5" Fortunæ hujusce diei." Cicero mentions her, de legib. dum veniunt, ut voluptatis publicæ hostia fiant" Just. lib. ti. Lips. Saturn. Sermon. lib. ii Cap. iii. |