design to cover the queen. But I saw him then every day, and was well assured that he acted nothing in it, but what became his profession, with all possible sincerity. Prance began, after this, to enlarge his discoveries. He said, he had often heard them talk of killing the king, and of setting on a general massacre, after they had raised an army. Dugdale also said, he had heard them discourse of a massacre. The memory of the Irish massacre was yet so fresh, as to raise a particular horror at the very mention of this; though where the numbers were so great as in Ireland, that might have been executed, yet there seemed to be no occasion to apprehend the like where the numbers were in so great an inequality, as they were here. Prance did also swear, that a servant of the Lord Powis had told him that there was one in their family who had undertaken to kill the king; but that some days after he told him, they were now gone off from that design. It looked very strange, and added no credit to his other evidence, that the papists should be thus talking of killing the king, as if it had been a common piece of news. But there are seasons of believing, as well as of disbelieving, and believing was then so much in season, that improbabilities or inconsistencies were little considered. Nor was it safe so much as to make reflections on them. That was called the blasting of the plot, and disparaging the king's evidence; though indeed Oates and Bedlow did, by their behaviour, detact more from their own credit, than all their enemies could have done. The former talked of all persons with insufferable insolence: and the other was a scandalous libertine in his whole deportment. The Lord Chief Justice at that time was sir William Scroggs, a man more valued for a good readiness in speaking well, than either for learning in his profession, or for any moral virtue. His life had been indecently scandalous, and his fortunes were very low. He was raised by the earl of Danby's favour, first to be a Judge and then to be the Chief Justice. And it was a melancholy thing to see so bad, so ignorant and so poor a man raised up to that great post. Yet he, now seeing how the stream run, went into it with so much zeal and heartiness, that he was become the favourite of the people. But when he saw the king had an ill opinion of it, he grew colder in the pursuit of it. He began to neglect and check the witnesses: Upon which they who behaved themselves as if they had been the tribunes of the people, began to rail at him. Yet in all the trials he set himself, even with indecent earnestness, to get the prisoners to be always cast. Jennison's Evidence. Another witness came in soon after these things, Jennison, the younger brother of a Jesuit, and a gentleman of a family and estate. He observing that Ireland had defended himself against Oates chiefly by this, that he was VOL. VI. in Staffordshire from the beginning of August till the 12th of September, and that he bad died affirming that to be true, seemed much surprised at it; and upon that turned Protestant. For he said, he saw him in London on the 19th of August, on which day he fixed upon this account, that he saw him the day before he went down in the stage coach to York, which was proved by the books of that office to be the 20th of August. He said, he was come to town from Windsor: and hearing that Ireland was in town, he went to see him, and found him drawing off his boots. Ireland asked him news, and in particular, how the king was attended at Windsor? And when he answered, that he walked about very carelessly with very few about him, Ireland seemed to wonder at it and said, It would be easy then to take him off: To which Jennison answered quick, God forbid: But Ireland said, he did not mean that it could be lawfully done. Jennison, in the letter in which he writ this up to a friend in London, added, that he remembered an inconsiderable passage or two more, and that perhaps Smith (a priest that had lived with his father) could help him to one or two more circumstances relating to those matters: But he protested, as he desired the forgiveness of his sins and the salvation of his soul, that he knew no more; and wished he might never see the face of God, if he knew any more. This letter was printed. And great use was made of it, to shew how little regard was to be had to those denials with which so many had ended their lives. But this man in th the summer thereafter published a long narrative of his knowledge of the plot. He said, himself had been invited to assist in killing the king. He named the four ruffians that went to Windsor to do it. And he thought to have reconciled this to his letter, by pretending these were the circumstances that he had not mentioned in it. Smith did also change his religion; and deposed, that when he was at Rome, he was told in general of the design of killing the king. He was afterwards discovered to be a vicious man. Yet he went no farther than to swear, that he was acquainted with the design in general, but not with the persons that were employed in it. By these witnesses the credit of the plot was universally established. Yet no real proofs appearing, besides Coleman's letters and Godfrey's murder, the king by a proclamation, did offer both a pardon and 2007. to any one that would come in and make further discoveries. This was thought too great a hire to purchase witnesses. Money had been offered to those who should bring in criminals. But it was said to be a new and indecent practice to offer so much money to men, that should merit it by swearing: And it might be too great an encouragement to perjury. Practices with the Witnesses discovered. While the Witnesses were weakening their own credit, some practices were discovered that did very much support it. Reading, a lawyer 4 Y repent. Yet all this was passed over, as if it had been of no weight: and the judge was turned out for his plain freedom. There was soon after this another practice discovered concerning Oates. Some that helonged to the earl of Danby conversed much with Oates's servants, They told them many odious things that he was daily speaking of the king, which look of some subtilty but of no virtue, was employ ed by the Lords in the Tower to solicit their affairs. He insinuated himself much into Bedlow's confidence, and was much in his company: And in the hearing of others, he was always pressing him to tell ali he knew. He lent him money very freely, which the other wanted often. And he seemed at first to design only to find out somewhat that should de-ed more like one that intended to ruin than to stroy the credit of his testimony. But be ven- save him. One of these did also affirm, that tured on other practices; and offered him Oates had made an abominable attempt upon much money, if he would turn his evidence him not fit to be named. Oates smelied this against the Popish Lords only into a hear-say, out, and got his servants to deny all that they so that it should not come home against them. had said, and to fasten it upon those who had Reading said, Bedlow began the proposition to been with them, as a practice of theirs: And him; and employed him to see how much mo- they were upon that likewise set on the pillory. ney these Lords could give him, if he should And to put things of a sort together, though bring them off: Upon which Reading, as he they happened not all at once: One Tasbopretended afterwards, seeing that innocent rough, that belonged to the duke's court, enblood was like to be shed, was willing, even by tered into some correspondence with Dugdale, indecent means, to endeavour to prevent it. who was courting a kinswoman of his. It was Yet he freed the Lords in the Tower. He said, proposed, that Dugdale should sign a paper, they would not promise a farthing: Only the retracting all that he had formerly sworn, and lord Stafford said, he would give himself 2 or should upon that go beyond sea, for which he 300/., which he might dispose of as he pleased. was promised, in the duke's name, a consideWhile Reading was driving the bargain, Bed-rable reward. He had written the paper, as low was too hard for him at his own trade of craft: For as he acquainted both prince Rupert and the earl of Essex, with the whole negociation, from the first step of it, so he placed two witnesses secretly in his chamber, when Reading was to come to him; and drew him into those discourses, which discovered the whole practice of that corruption. Reading had likewise drawn a paper, by which he shewed him with how few and small alterations he could soften his deposition, so as not to affect the Lords. With these witnesses and this paper, Bedlow charged Reading. The whole matter was proved beyond contradiction. And as this raised his credit, so it laid a heavy load on the Popish Lords; though the proofs came home only to Reading, and he was set in the pillory for it. Bedlow made a very ill use of this discovery, which happened in March, to cover his having sworn against Whitebread and Fenwick only upon hear-say in December: For being resolved to swear plain matter upon his own knowledge against them, when they should be brought again on their trial, he said, Reading had prevailed on him to be easy to them, as he called it; and that he had said to him that the Lords would take the saving of these Jesuits, as an earnest of what he would do for themselves; though it was not very probable, that these Lords would have abandoned Ireland, when they took such care of the other Jesuits. The truth was, he ought to have been set aside from being a witness any more, since now by his own confession he had sworn falsly in that trial: He had first sworn, he knew nothing of his own knowledge against the two, Jesuits, and afterwards he swore copiously against them, and upon his own knowledge. Wyld, a worthy and ancient judge, said upon that to him, that he was a perjured man, and ought to come no more into courts, but to go home and was desired: But he was too cunning for Tasborough, and he proved his practices upon him. He pretended he drew the paper only to draw the other further on, that he might be able to penetrate the deeper into their designs. Tasborough was fined and set in the pillory, for tampering thus with the king's evidence. Reflections upon the whole Evidence, This was the true state of the Plot, and of the Witnesses that proved it; which I have opened as fully as was possible for me: And I had particular occasions to be well instructed in it. Here was matter enough to work on the fears and apprehensions of the nation: So it was not to be wondered at, if parliaments were hot and juries were easy in this prosecution. The visible evidences that appeared, made all people conclude there was great plotting among them. And it was generally believed, that the bulk of what was sworn by the witnesses was true, though they had by all appearance dressed it up with incredible circumstances. What the men of learning knew concerning their principles, both of depusing of kings, and of the lawfulness of murdering them when so deposed, made them easily conclude, that since they saw the duke was so entirely theirs', and that the king was so little to be depended on, they might think the present con juncture was not to be lost. And since the duke's eldest daughter was already out of their hands, they might make the more haste to set the duke on the throne. The tempers, as well as the morals of the Jesuits, made it reasonable to believe, that they were not apt to neg lect such advantages, nor to stick at any sort of falshood in order to their own defence. The doctrine of probability, besides many other maxims that are current among them, made many give little credit to their witnesses, or to their most solemn denials, even at their execution. Many things were brought to shew, that by the casuistical divinity taught among them, and published by them to the world, there was no practice so bad, but that the doctrines of probability and of ordering the intention, might justify it. Yet many thought, that what doctrines soever men might by a subtilty of speculation be carried into, the approaches of death, | with the seriousness that appeared in their deportinent, must needs work so much on the probity and candour which seemed rooted in human nature, that even immoral opinions, maintained in the way of argument, could not then resist it. Several of our divines went far in this charge, against all regard to their dying speeches; of which some of our own church complained, as inhuman and indecent. OATES'S NARRATIVE. A true NARRATIVE of the horrid PLOT and CONSPIRACY of the POPISH PARTY against the Life of his SACRED MAJESTY, the GOVERNMENT, and the PROTESTANT RELIGION: With a List of such Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, as were the Conspirators and the head Officers, both Civil and Military, that were to effect it. Published by the Order of the Right Hon. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled. Humbly presented to His Most Excellent Majesty. Great Sir; This Narrative of the present Horrid Plot against your majesty and government, which was first heard, and narrowly discussed before your Sacred Majesty and Coun. cil, and afterwards by both Houses of Parliament, with universal assent to the power of truth herein, is at last to appear abroad, for the satisfaction of these nations, and Europe perhaps, touching the mystery and consequence of such designs. I hope I have good equity on my side, to presume to dedicate the same to your royal name and patronage, and to no other; because I am well assured, both the rise and progress thereof, hath wholly sprung from an inbred indelible love and loyalty to your majesty and kingdoms, as its support and success to be owing (under God's extraordinary and miraculous appearance for his people in its defence) to your majesty's gracious pardon of several human frailties in the management. Great and many are the arts and hoverings that have been, and may yet be used in vain both at home and abroad, to suppress and traduce the evidence, by those who are more zealous and industrious not to be thought or suspected, rather than really not to be very traitors and rebels against their king and country; whose many past treasons and encroachments upon several princes, for these last thousand years in the world, will prove their inclinations for future; whereof there are as many tragical instances against your majesty's own family and person, within fresh memory (and to be made out by new preofs out of their own mouths and records, if need) as against any other of God's anointing and appointment. Your grandfather king James, though he escaped their powder, is well known not to have escaped their poison. Your other grandfather, Henry the fourth of France, was basely and villainously stabbed in the heart, which he had designed and bequeathed after his death unto them, notwithstanding all the indulgences and immunities that the heart of man could wish or desire, which he had granted them in his life. Who besides these, were the first authors and contrivers of the late unnatural war, by their known diabolical art of inflaming parties and passions against each other, and of your royal father's unspeakable sufferings and barbarous usage? It was these that brought him to his end, and flourished swords, and triumphed over his dead body, whom they durst not approach when living. What shall I say of him who then cried out, Now is the enemy of God and of his Church fallen? I believe your majesty hath been well-informed of the traitorous executioners, but hardly at all of the Putney-projectors, who were in most, if not all the councils that contrived his ruin. What broke the Uxbridge-Treaty, but the Romish interest and policy? Who continued to baffle all designs of peace and settlement to this nation, and prosperity to your majesty's family, but those incendiaries? It may not be inconvenient to remind with what zeal and interest they did persuade the Scots in 1650, to impose that upon your majesty which your royal law hath forbidden others; for the effecting whereof, some thousands of pounds were spent and given by them. After your majesty's escape at Wor cester, how did they, above all men, endeavour to betray and sacrifice your majesty into the hands of your enemies? And who was it that was to pay the thousand pound promised for your being discovered and taken, but Father Joseph Simmonds, and Father Carleton Compton, both jesuits? It is true, that one or two of the Romish persuasion, amongst many loyal and faithful protestants, male and female, might then have contributed to your majesty's deliverance: But have not such been well lessened and reproached, and called fools by their own party, for this grain of loyalty, more owing to their English blood than Romish principles? The popish lord is not forgotten, or unknown, who brought a petition to the late Regicides and Usurpers, signed by about 500 principal papists in England; wherein was promised upon condition of a Toleration of the popish religion here by a law, their joint resolution to abjure and exclude the family of the Stuarts for ever, from their undoubted right to the crown. Who, more disheartened the loyalty and patience of your best subjects, than their confident scriblers, White and others? And Milton was a known frequenter of a popish club. Who more forward to set up Cromwell, and to put the crown of our kings upon his head, than they? Give me leave to tell your majesty, that his new fangled government was contrived by a popish priest, and Lambert, a papist for above these 30 years. Who betrayed your majesty's secrets and councils during your exile, but they, even the Benedictine Monks, whereof a whole convent was maintained with a large annuity by the late Usurper for such use and purpose? And he (Manning) that was caught and executed by your majesty's justice for such treachery, was of the same red-letter, and had Masses sung for him after his death, as an usual reward and plaister. After your majesty's escape from England, what promises did they make to Cromwell, to persuade the French king for your banishment out of France? and what interest they made use of in order thereunto, can be made appear to their disgrace. I shall leave it to your majesty to call to mind their usage of your royal person when in Flanders: And a noble peer surviving, is able to speak aloud what was there intended against you, to prevent your majesty from your right to reign over us. The present relation upon oath, and most true to a tittle, and sir Edmoudbury Godfrey's usage, is sufficient to convince all unbiassed judges, how little they have flagged or degenerated from their wonted hellish principles and natures. How little therefore the criminals concerned in this plot deserve from your majesty, the world will better judge, if they will but consider how graciously your majesty hath dealt with them, and connived at them, while the rigour of the law was let loose upon your other dissenting subjects, who yet continued more quiet and loyal under their pressures and proVocations, than these under favours and caresses. Hath not your majesty hazarded the hearts and affections of your best subjects, and much of royal honour, in appearing for the late indulgence with frustration, to win aud oblige, if possible, these everlasting holy cutthroats? But what arguments of clemency and grace can persuade them to be true to their natural, who profess allegiance out of conscience to a foreign contrary sovereign? Or how can your majesty expect truth and sincerity, where treasons and lies are virtues and merits? They are by an orderly conspiracy wholly governed by priests, their priests by their bishops, and their bishops by their popes; the sum of whose religion, or ungodly ambition rather, or that which we call Popery, consists, in a word, in an Antichristian pretence of a Fifth Monarchical Sovereignty over all the kings and princes of Christendom, as is of late irrefragably demonstrated by the right reverend and learned bishop of Lincoln; yea in an higher usurpation upon Christ's eternal and peculiar sovereignty over men's hearts and judgments, as is likewise evinced by another worthy pen and sufferer, in his treatise of The right Sovereign of the Heart. They therefore that brutishly and traitorously surrender their souls over into implicit slavery to an impostor, what allegiance can they reserve inviolable with all sober and true Christians, either to king, or Christ, or conscience? I question not, great sir, but that he in whose bands are the hearts of princes, will in time fully convince your majesty of all their unworthy principles and practices, and of my integrity too, how strange soever some open or secret Papists, whom time also may discover, have endeavoured to represent me. Till that time I commit my cause to the most righteous and all-seeing Judge, with a resolution to presevere through his assistance in my truth and testimony against ali discouragements or terrors, or blandistments either, to the last gasp. And next to Christ and the truth, I shall with the utmost of breath and power, according to my oath and duty, in what place and station soever I am, endeavour to be found ever loyal and true to your majesty in all your rights and honours, as all good subjects and christians ought, and as I find this noble and loyal parliament are resolved to be to an hair, or an expression; and therefore cannot forbear to pray to God out of my sincerity and zeal for public peace and concord between king and people, that seeing your majesty must highly trust some or other for your necessary ease and help, that God would put it into your majesty's heart more to trust and rely upon your two Houses of Parliament (who will be most true to your laws, and consequently both to you and your people) than to any single minister or ministers whatsoever, unaccountably, who may pretend to more loyalty, or more comply with any bumour, or human frailty of your majesty's, but are not true friends either to your majesty, or their country, or themselves therein; but erect and prefer an imperial paramount self-end, or lust, before all; which your majesty by their art must be brought unworthily to serve and promote, to public disturbance always, and the confusion of themselves and their posterity, most an end, by God's just vengeance. It is a false suggestion which such tempters use, that a king that rules by will, is more great, or a glorious, or strong, than a king that rules by law. The quality of the retinue best proves the state of the lord; the one being but a king of slaves, while the other, like God, is a king of kings and hearts. No prince was ever more absolute to have what he wished, than queen Elizabeth, who wished for nothing more than the subjects rights and welfare. Your majesty being so often marked out for destruction by these conspirators, is, and ought to be as great a proof and demonstration to your people, that the Papists themselves hold you not their friend, as any act of parliament against tongues, but especially your generous resentiment and proportionable royal indiguation against these assassinates of your person, 3 and destroyers of our cities, murderers of your subjects, corrupters of christianity, and disturbers of mankind. But nothing will make your majesty sɔ amiable and acceptable in the eyes of God and man, and your name and memory blessed and glori ous for ever, as the copying of the laws of our Saviour in your life, by a decent paternal example before the sons and daughters of your =people, to increase the fear of God and its consequences amongst us: it being the chief end and work of all supreme powers, to suppress vice, and encourage virtue amongst their charge according to St. Paul, Romans 13, which is best lone abroad, when first and effectually begun at home in your own house and family, according to the same apostle, 1 Tim. 3, by banishing all vicious livers from your presence and converse, and advancing the virtuous in their stead: by the neglect of which principal part of their royal trust and office, princes depose themselves, as useless before God and their own consciences whatever may be their state or glory in fact, and by human laws and power daily clamours of these execrable votaries for I. Richard Strange, provincial, John Keins, Basil Langworth, John Fenwick, and Mr. Harcourt, jesuits, did write a treasonable letter to one Father Suiman, an Irish jesuit at Madrid, in the kingdom of Spain, in which was contain Scotland, of the presbyterians against the epis ed their plotting and contriving a rebellion in copal government: in order to which they had employed one Matthew Wright, and William under the notion of presbyterians, and give the Morgan, and one Mr. Ireland to go and preach, disaffected Scots, a true understanding of their sad state and condition, in which they were, by them: and withal to tell them, they had now a reason of the episcopal tyranny, exercised over fair opportunity to vindicate their liberty and religion; and that it could be done by no other way but by the sword; and that now the king was so addicted to his pleasures, that he would, That your majesty therefore may long live and could take but little care in that concern. to be a great asserter of laws, of the laws of And in the said letter it was expressed, that Christ in your own soul, to your eternal, and of they had gotten an interest in his royal highthe good laws of this land, to the temporal highness, but they would deal with him as they peace and felicity of your majesty and people, and abound in all the blessings of this and the other life, health, grace, wisdom, wealth,power, and victory over all your enemies and temptations, shall be ever the study and prayers of your majesty's most humble and most loyal subject and servant, TITUS OATES. before men. Courteous Reader, I here present thee with a short Narrative, or Minutes, till I may find an opportunity to put forth my larger Account and Journal; in which the whole mystery of this hellish Plot shall be more fully laid open. It is true, I did not absolutely design this for the press, had not the all means to weaken the king of England's intethought fit; and that they were resolved to use rest, by informing his friends of his own intent to betray them into the hands of a foreign power, to wit, to send them to fall by the sword in the French king's wars, against the confederate princes, which letter bore date of April 19th, O. S. 1677, and 29th, N. S. II. That the persons abovementioned gave the deponent 10l. to carry the said letters to the said Father Suiman into the kingdom of Spain to Madrid; the said Father Suiman being their procurator general for the kingdom of England and Ireland; and in order to which message, the deponent embarked himself in the ship called the Biscay Merchant, whereof Luke |