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what was going on, wrote to Wolsey on the 25th of October that he was glad of the peace, but did not believe Wolsey capable of such a breach of faith as to surrender Tournay to France.1 But Maximilian had no right to complain of breaches of faith. Dr. Brewer has well summed up the peace when he says: The wheel had turned round and Wolsey had fulfilled his promise ; he had united the two nations. Once more England stood arbiter among the sovereigns of Europe without a blow, by the mere force of Wolsey's policy. His triumph was complete ; his enemies had not a word to say.' 2

1

1 L. and P., vol. ii. No. 4531.

2

Brewer, vol. i. p. 206.

CHAPTER VII

We have seen before that Wolsey had been made a cardinal in July 1515, and that the formal ceremony of receiving the red hat had taken place on November 18th of the same year. His promotion to the great offices of state now became even more rapid. On Christmas Eve Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, resigned the chancellorship into the hands of the King, who at the same time handed over the great seal into the hands of the all-powerful Cardinal. At this moment Wolsey stood without a rival in the good graces of his master. On the 17th of February 1516, Ammonius, the King's Latin secretary, writes to Erasmus, referring to the return of their mutual friend More from a mission abroad, and says that he haunts the Court, and no one pays a more early salutation to Wolsey than he does. This I mention here because it will show that More at that time had means of knowledge of Court doings not granted, perhaps, to ordinary laymen.

1 L. and P., vol. ii. No. 1335.

2 Ibid. No. 1551.

And we find him writing at this time to Erasmus that the Archbishop has succeeded at last in getting quit of the chancellorship, which he has been labouring to do for some years. It seems perfectly certain that the idle stories frequently circulated by Polydore Vergil about Warham and Fox having retired from the Court in disgust at Wolsey's sudden elevation are absolutely without foundation; and, to make it stronger, in the same year 1516, in a letter dated April 23rd, Fox wrote to Wolsey that he was willing to serve the King, but his duty to his cure after twenty-seven years' absence keeps him from Court, especially since Wolsey's great charge 'perceiving better, straighter and speedier ways of justice and more diligence and labour for the King's right duties and profits to be in you than ever I see in times past in any other, and that I myself had more ease in attendance upon you in the said matter than ever I had before.' Wolsey, he fears, will be overworked, and he begs him to take rest. And all through the state papers of this time we find Wolsey's hand tightening the reins of government over Court favourites and nobles. For instance, on the 8th of June in this year, we find Sir Thomas Allen writing to the Earl of Shrewsbury that Dorset, Hastings, Abergavenny, &c., are to be examined for retaining of servants, while how he dealt with 1 L. and P., vol. ii. No. 1552. Ibid. No. 1814. 3 Ibid. No. 2018.

3

others of the King's minions will be seen later on.

But Wolsey was soon face to face with a somewhat graver home difficulty than any he had yet had to deal with.

London had of late been rather troublesome. The absence of the Court owing to the fear of the sweating sickness, the large amount of foreigners present in London, attracted thither by Wolsey's vigorous foreign policy, the economic changes and difficulties of the time, caused grave discontent among the lower populace of London. This culminated in a bitter dislike to foreigners, especially to the foreign merchants, who, Hall roundly declares, were grossly impertinent to the English; and not only that, but that, owing to their competition, English workmen could hardly get a living.

In the Easter of 1517 John Lincoln, a broker of the City of London, went to Standish, the Warden of the Mendicant Friars, one of the most popular preachers of the day, whose turn it was to preach at Paul's Cross, and begged him to deal in his sermon with the evil of the foreign residents in London.1 Standish, however, very wisely for himself, refused to have anything to do with it, whereupon Lincoln, not discouraged, went to a Dr. Beale, a canon, and begged him to preach the sermon. Beale foolishly consented, and delivered

1 Hall, pp. 588 et seq.

a most inflammatory one against the foreign residents in London. The matter looked grave indeed; open threats were made that May-day would see the end of the foreigners. Giustinian, on the last day of April, hurried to Richmond, where the Court was, to warn the Cardinal of the imminent danger. The Cardinal reassured him and took precautions. He sent for the members of the corporation and cautioned them; but, like most corporations, the wise old aldermen did nothing except issue an order that the apprentices were to stay in in the evening. One of their number, Sir John Maundy, coming from his ward, found two young men playing bucklers with a company looking on. He told them to desist, and on their refusal was going to commit them to ward. The well-known London cry of Clubs, 'prentices' was raised. Maundy fled; the mob gathered; the mayor made a proclamation; it had not the slightest effect. Sir Thomas More made a gallant effort to stay the mob, but it was too late for mere words. The mob spent its energies in sacking the houses of the French and Flemish artificers. They tried to attack the Italian quarter, but the Italian merchants, who were well armed, proved too strong for them. From several roads leading into the City bodies of men-at-arms sent by the Cardinal marched into London. The riot was finished, and nothing was left but the punishing

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