splendid and a more artistic pageant than the French themselves. From that moment the French learnt to respect England not only in war, but also in those more showy qualities of peace which are held in such high esteem by the French character. Of course it is quite true to say that as regards any immediate durable alliance the Field of the Cloth of Gold was a conspicuous failure, but it is difficult to believe that Wolsey had any intention to effect such an alliance, especially after the arranged visit of the Emperor to England. 2 Henry's visit to the Emperor at Gravelines was from this point of view more effective because, though on June 6 a treaty had been drafted between Henry VIII and Francis I touching the marriage of Mary and the Dauphin of France,1 this treaty never was really seriously considered. But at the meeting with the Emperor a much less pretentious but far more effectual treaty was made, to the effect that neither party would make any treaty with the King of France for any closer matrimonial alliance than existed at present. Wolsey by this guarded against the danger, as far as a treaty could guard, of Charles being induced to enter the meshes of a French alliance by contracting marriage with a French princess. Francis was quick to see the grave danger of this fresh meeting between uncle and nephew, and 1 L. and P., vol. iii. No. 861. 2 Ibid. No. 941. he hung about the borders of the Low Countries in the hope of being asked to join the meeting.1 Needless to say the invitation was never given. Soon news reached the English Court that all was not well in Spain,-in fact, an insurrection had broken out; the Emperor's Spanish throne was in grave danger and his presence there was absolutely essential. Charles, however, before going, had to receive the Imperial crown at Aachen. What it did mean, much to Wolsey's annoyance, was that the Emperor's hands would be tied, thus giving an opportunity to Francis again to dabble in the troubled waters of Italian politics. Before going further, it were well to deal here shortly with the dramatic incident in home affairs with which Wolsey had to deal on returning from the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Of all the great nobles of England there was one who stood head and shoulders above all others in rank and wealth. This was Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Buckingham appears to have been a man easily led and credulous, and at the same time of a testy and somewhat overbearing temper. We can have little doubt that he had for some time past been fretting at the monopoly of the reins of government which Wolsey had secured. At the same time he appears to have been a violent partisan of the Imperial party, L. and P., vol. iii. No. 903. and was bitterly opposed to Wolsey's policy of mediator between and ally of both France and Spain. Buckingham's position would have needed a cool head and an astute brain to steer a man who by his wealth and estates was always reminding the Crown of the feudal anarchy of the Wars of the Roses, and whose birth made him aspire to the throne itself, as, if Henry died without male issue, it was still somewhat doubtful whether a woman could succeed to the throne of England. This would bar Henry's daughter, the Princess Mary, and his sisters, Mary of France and Suffolk and Margaret of Scotland, and Buckingham would then be the heir. Henry's jealousy and the Tudor craft and policy were all against Buckingham, who was the most foolish of men. Instead of attempting to conciliate the great Cardinal and keep his pretensions to the throne in the background, he quarrelled with Wolsey and started listening to foolish prophecies of what would happen if the King were to die. He apparently even went so far as to make some slight preparations in his immense jurisdictions in Wales for armed support to his claims on the King's decease.1 Closely allied as he was to the other great nobles of England-husband of Northumberland's sister, father-in-law to Norfolk, Westmoreland and Abergavenny-no Tudor 1 L. and P., vol. iii. No. 1070. government could afford to wink at any suspicion of treason in a person like Buckingham. So Wolsey and the King-for in this case it is Henry's hand that we see more than that of his minister, and in fact from the state papers we see that Henry took the deepest personal interest in the whole matter, examining the witnesses against Buckingham himself, while Wolsey kept sedulously in the background-struck him down. There is little need to tarry over the tale. Buckingham was arrested and tried before a jury of peers; his own son-in-law, Norfolk, with tears in his eyes, pronounced sentence of death against him, and on the 17th of May 1521 he was beheaded at the Tower of London. Probably Buckingham was more foolish than guilty, but we can hardly blame Henry for the step. The arrest of Buckingham and his execution caused a tremendous stir among the Courts of Europe. That the greatest peer could be arrested and executed without a sword being drawn in his defence was a marvel to France, with its Duke of Bourbon, and to the Emperor, with his electoral princes, and it definitely proved to Europe that Henry's seat was quite secure on the throne that his father had won. 1 CHAPTER IX For THE beginning of the year 1521 saw Wolsey's legation continued by Leo X for two years longer, while at the same time the political situation grew darker and darker,1 the rivalry between Francis and Charles becoming more and more bitter, till it appeared that nothing short of a miracle could prevent open war. Both sides made violent efforts to secure the friendship of Henry and his all-powerful minister, but openly without success, though we know now that England was practically pledged to support the Imperial cause. the student of history, as distinguished from the chronicler of a mere series of events, there is very little of interest or of use in chronicling the long negotiations and bickerings between the three great powers which culminated in the Conference of Calais, where Wolsey, after a great struggle, had at last got both parties to agree to his arbitration on the outstanding points of difference. From the first, it is highly probable, Wolsey had little hope that his efforts would 1 L. and P., vol. iii. No. 1124. |