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Rhodes made little impression on the Western Powers; it mattered little to England and France, and the Emperor, to whom it was of great importance, was too busy all over the world to give much heed to the fall of the outpost of the defenders of Christendom.

But the next task before Wolsey was a harder one than Surrey's-the task of finding money for the war.

Parliament was summoned in April 1523.1 On the 18th they chose Sir Thomas More as their Speaker. Besides passing many Acts, among which we may mention the Act of Attainder of the Duke of Buckingham and an Act for the Incorporation of the Physicians of London, the main business of Parliament, at least from the Government's point of view, was the finding of money. So Wolsey came down himself into Parliament in all the glory and state of his two crosses, pole-axes, &c., with his filed tongue, as Cavendish called it, and laid the commands of the King before his faithful Commons. The demand was a staggering one, nothing more or less than eight hundred thousand pounds, to be raised by a tax of 4s. in the pound upon every man's lands and goods.

It is a curious and somewhat significant fact that the House of Commons, however subservient to royalty in everything else, has always

1 L. and P., vol. iii. No. 2956.

been very touchy about the voting of money, and so it was in this case. Parliament, after the famous scene in which, in deference to their Speaker's advice, they had admitted Wolsey and his train into the House of Commons, though they remained in silence, began a sharp debate after the Cardinal's withdrawal, which was followed by the appointment of a Committee to lay the views of the House before Wolsey, but with no result. After some more wrangling they proposed to give the King a much smaller amount. Wolsey met this by proroguing Parliament to the 10th of June. Then a somewhat curious incident occurred: the knights and gentlemen, who had taxed themselves a shilling in the pound upon land assessed at fifty pounds and over, turned upon the burgesses, and after a sharp debate carried the motion of a similar rate to be levied on all goods in the fourth year. Thus money was got, but at the cost of much murmuring and grudging throughout the country.

Without going into detail, it is sufficient to state that from this moment it becomes evident to any one who will go through the records of this period, that Wolsey and the Government, for which the nation held him responsible, became more and more unpopular.

Things in the war were going badly for the French. On May 1 Hannibal announced to

Wolsey that Milan castle had been surrendered by the French to the Imperialists. But more important than this was the disaffection in France itself to the government of the King, which terminated in the revolt of the chief subject of the French crown, the Duke of Bourbon.

On September 25, 1522, we get the first inkling in the state papers, where in a letter of instruction to Spinelly, Bourbon's discontent with the French King is mentioned, and the best way of negotiating with him is pointed out. The negotiations went on rapidly and secretly, and on May 12, 1523, Bourbon wrote to Wolsey to desire credence for his chamberlain whom he was sending to Wolsey. Bourbon had been finally alienated from the French King by that monarch's support of the bogus suit instituted against Bourbon by the King's mother, who claimed the whole inheritance of the duchy of Bourbon which had passed into the Duke's hands in right of his late wife's.

Surrey was recalled from France and Suffolk appointed in his place, the former being sent to the Scottish borders, where danger was very imminent. Although Although England was in alliance with the Emperor, the alliance was never of a very cordial description, and it was soon evident that both allies were not seeking a common object, but that each one was looking exclusively after his own interests. De Praet, the Spanish

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ambassador in England, wrote to the Emperor on June 1 that the Cardinal's object is sufficiently apparent, that is, to bind your Majesty and leave the King his master at liberty.' But, however they mistrusted each other, on August 4 a fresh league was signed between Charles V, Henry VIII, the Archduke Ferdinand, and the Duke of Bourbon. A few days later, on August 12, King Francis signed an instrument appointing his mother, Louise of Savoie, regent during his absence in the wars, for he had made up his mind definitely to lead a new French army into Italy to retrieve in person the disasters of the former invasion. Events followed quickly. On September 14 Pope Adrian was dead, and once again Wolsey hoped that the Papacy might be his. On September 30 Wolsey wrote to the King, informing him of the Pope's death and sending him news regarding the state of matters over an election for a new Pope. Wolsey's only obstacle was his absence, but he did not think the cardinals would agree on any one present; though unworthy and unwilling, yet remembering the wish of the King for his advancement, he would devise such instructions as were given to Pace. Just at this time the question as to the object of Suffolk's campaign in France was in the balance: the English wished to besiege Boulogne, the Imperialists wished that Suffolk should co-operate with them in an invasion into the heart of France.

On October 6 De Praet informed the Emperor that the English had consented to their plans. Once again Wolsey relied on the promises of the Emperor in the papal election, and again he was grossly deceived. There is little need to go into the details of the petty tricks by which the Emperor tried to throw dust in the Cardinal's eyes; suffice it to say that on November 19, after a long conclave in which no mention was even made of Wolsey, Cardinal Medicis was elected Pope, taking the title of Clement VII. Medicis was an ardent supporter of the Imperial policy, and nobody dreamt that his election would make any difference in the coming war, though at the end of the year Clarke and Pace, in a letter to Wolsey, said that the new Pope seemed rather to favour the French, and would not openly declare himself on the side of the League.

During this period we have just been discussing there was intermittent warfare on the borders of England and Scotland, where once again Albany was regent. In September Surrey made an incursion into Scotland and burnt Jedburgh. Towards the end of October there came grave news from Surrey that Albany was making great preparations for an invasion of England, but it ended in little, for by November 3 Surrey was able to report to the King that Albany had assaulted Wark Castle, had been repulsed by the

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