large or correct the basis on which history is written. The search for such records, whether preserved in public institutions or scattered in private collections, necessarily requires both industry and perseverance: they may be sought in order to throw light on the lives of those distinguished men who have exercised their influence for good or for evil on the destinies of their country, or for objects of more general purport; but the result of such labours is to improve and enlarge the available store of knowledge from which history is to be drawn, and as such they are entitled to the thanks and consideration of all who are capable of appreciating the value of truth. Of the moral effect of preserving the remembrance of those who have played a leading part in the history of their country, there can be no doubt; such examples are as the warning voice of experience teaching mankind what to avoid and what to imitate; their fame is the eloquence of the dead to the living-the legacy bequeathed by greatness to posterity; and it is of the utmost importance, therefore, that the grounds of that fame should be well examined, and the worth of that inheritance placed at its just value.

Nothing would conduce more to the correct writing and understanding of general History than an intimate knowledge of the characters of those who determine its events. Biography should serve at once as a guide and an interpreter; and every accession in this department of Historical Literature must be hailed with welcome, as tending to increase and improve the means of right judgment on things past. In the various offices appropriated to the conservation of MSS., and even in many private families, there still exist in this country, unpublished and unknown, the materials for adding largely to the common stock of biographical and historical knowledge; and it is greatly to be hoped that we may often see judicious selections withdrawn from obscurity, and devoted to purposes of general utility. Captain Devereux in his preface, modestly attributes his literary labours to the necessity of seeking out some new occupation when professionally unemployed; but we are inclined to think that in the choice of that occupation he was determined by the no less laudable wish to do justice to the most distinguished members of his house. Of all the forms in which the pride of birth appears, none is so justly entitled to respect and sympathy as that which is evinced in the efforts of descendants to preserve the fame of those ancestors whose honours they bear, or whose renown has given distinction to their name; and even granting some little danger of partiality in the estimate of their merits, yet biography written by one allied in blood to its subject, and

probably assisted by family papers and family traditions, affords strong presumption that the work has been undertaken with feelings of interest, has been handled with care, and assisted by advantages less accessible to others.

The House of D'Evreux was originally one of high rank in Normandy; and two of the sons of the Count de Rosmar and Mantelake, by name Edward and Robert D'Evreux, accompanied William I. to England, where they settled at the time of the Conquest. In the year 1550, Walter Devereux, a descendant of this Robert D'Evreux, was created Viscount Hereford by Edward VI., which title has continued in the family till the present day; his grandson, Walter, was created Earl of Essex by Queen Elizabeth, and is the first of those bearing that title whose lives and correspondence have been recently published by Captain Walter Devereux.

The very valuable collection of letters which Captain Devereux has brought to light furnishes materials not only for the better understanding of the characters of the three Earls of Essex whose biographies he has written, but suggests topics of interesting discussion respecting the conduct of those great historical characters under whom they served, with whom their career was interwoven, or on whom their fate depended. The conduct and feelings of Queen Elizabeth, as displayed by her own letters to both the first and second Earls of Essex, afford the strongest proof that in her was fully represented the parsimonious injustice of her grandfather, and the tyrannic wilfulness of her father. Elizabeth was at heart a despot-she disliked all interference by Parliament she resented the exercise of its legislative functions; and for want of the supplies which Parliament only could legitimately grant, she was guilty of the meanest evasion of just payments and the most niggardly economy in the remuneration of public services. The whole history of the Irish expedition under the command of the first Earl of Essex, exhibits a painful picture of unrequited loyalty, in the struggles of a brave and honest General, devoting health, fortune, and even life itself, to the service of a sovereign who neither repaid his losses, rewarded his efforts, nor appreciated his sacrifices. In 1558, the year of Queen Elizabeth's accession to the throne, Walter Devereux succeeded his grandfather as Viscount Hereford, Lord Ferrars of Chartley, Bourchier, and Lovaine. At the age of twenty-two he married Lettice, daughter of Sir Francis Knollys, and thus became nearly connected with the Queen, the mother of Sir Francis' wife having been the sister of Anne Boleyn. His marriage, however, does not appear to have secured him any particular notice at Court; and

he and his wife lived in retirement till the year 1568, when he was called upon to join with the Earls of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon in guarding Mary Queen of Scots. He afterwards raised, on his own estate at Chartley, a body of 150 horse, in order to join the army levied to put down the rebellion of the Earls of Nothumberland and Westmoreland; and, in reward for the zeal and activity shown on that occasion, he was made Knight of the Garter, and created Earl of Essex. In the spring of 1573, he offered his services to the Queen to subdue the turbulent and rebellious inhabitants of the province of Ulster into a peaceful and loyal population. On the 8th of July, an agreement was concluded between them which shows the strange partnership-like terms which the proud and arbitrary Queen could condescend to make with a subject when the sharing of expenditure was in question.

The Queen granted to the Earl the moiety of the county of Clandeboye, in consideration of the surrender of his title to 800 marks of land, which he claimed under the will of the Earl of March. He was to set out before Michaelmas with 200 horse and 400 foot, which numbers he was to maintain at his own cost for two years, the Queen keeping an equal number; after two years he was to maintain the same number as the Queen, not to exceed 600. All fortifications to be at equal charges between them. The Earl was to have timber out of Killulto Woods, was to pay no customs, and have free transport of arms, money, and all necessaries for seven years. Old Fuller might well exclaim, "To maintain an army, though a very "little one, is a sovereign's and no subject's work, too heavy for the support of any private man's estate; which cost this Earl first the "mortgaging, then the selling outright, his fair inheritance in Essex." The most remarkable part of the transaction is yet to be related. Not possessing funds sufficient for the large expenses preliminary to so great an undertaking, it became necessary for Essex to borrow 10,000l., and who should be the money-lender but the Queen herself! A real Jew's bargain, with forfeiture for non-punctuality of payment; while he was to be at equal charge with her in building fortifications and garrisons, from which he would certainly not reap equal advantage; and, after all, we shall find her suffering him to be thwarted by every underling who desired to gain favour with the Leicester faction.' (Vol. i. p. 27.)

At the outset of his expedition he was made to feel how insecure was the Queen's favourable intentions towards him, if opposed by or unsupported by those who ranked higher in her

favour.

'It had been at first intended that Essex should hold a commission from the Queen as Captain-general of Ulster; but Sir William FitzWilliam, the Lord Deputy of Ireland, jealous of the rank and reputation of the Earl, and dreading to be eclipsed by him, made such

earnest remonstrance, entreating the Queen that she would maintain him in the full power of his office; and was so well backed by Leicester, who, though desirous to remove Essex, was not at all anxious to give him a bed of roses to repose on, that Elizabeth was prevailed on to consent that the Earl should receive his commission as Governor of Ulster from the Lord Deputy. Unsatisfactory as this was to Essex, and injurious as it proved to the service, his zeal and anxiety to set out were nothing abated.' (Vol. i. p. 29.)

Lord Essex embarked for Ireland in August 1573, and in November he despatched a confidential messenger (Waterhouse) to Burleigh, in order to state to him the difficulties and embarrassments of his position.

The adventurers, or volunteers, were becoming dissatisfied, and seeking means to leave the service, which entailed hardships they were unwilling to endure. Lord Rich very early set the example of desertion, promising to return in the spring, which, however, he never did, and probably never intended. The Lord Deputy delayed sending Essex his commission, and so encouraged the rumour which got about, that the expedition was entirely a private one of the Earl's, which made the Irish resolve to tire him out, as they could easily do by never quitting their fastnesses except on some advantage. He complained also that the adventurers, not satisfied with deserting him, endeavoured on their return home to deter others from joining him. He therefore thought it would be necessary to alter his agreement with the Queen, and make the whole service her's, although he should continue to bear his moiety of the expense.' (Vol. i. p. 43.)

;

The conduct of the Lord Deputy was disapproved of by the Queen, and various persons were thought of to replace him and amongst others, Essex himself. The Queen, however,' writes Sir Francis Knollys to Lord Burleigh, will in no wise allow my Lord of Essex shall be Deputy of Ireland, because she would have no man that hath lands of inherit'ance there to be Deputy; but,' he continues, 'I fear if her Majesty will neither make him Deputy, nor yet take the 'charge of that enterprise into her own hands, and let my Lord ' of Essex be but an adventurer according to his own offer, I fear that my Lord of Essex will be undone to her Majesty's great dishonour, and to her danger.' Lord Essex disinterestedly declared, 'that though he could wish no better than to have it himself, that in respect to the Queen's service, it were not amiss if one were chosen who had less acquaintance there.' (Vol. i. p. 52.)

In a letter to Burleigh from Sergeant-Major Wilford, Essex is thus spoken of:-'It were the greatest pity in the world, that so noble and worthy a man as the Earl should consume himself in this enterprise, which by her Majesty's countenance

and no great charges would be so easily brought to pass. Well, if her Majesty did know his noble and honourable 'intent, having a body and mind invincible to endure all miseries ⚫ and extremities, so well as we do know him, surely she would 'not suffer him to quail for half her kingdom of Ireland.' An expedition against the rebels which had been planned in concert with the Deputy, failed, from want of his proper co-opera

tion.

In a very long and interesting letter addressed to Burleigh, Sussex, and Leicester by Essex, he details not only the causes of the failure, but endeavours to make fresh arrangements with the Queen as to the terms on which the payment of the expedition was to be conducted. The remainder of Lord Essex's short life was spent not only in subduing the rebellious spirit of the Irish, but in a constant struggle against the jealousies of the Irish government and the Court. The expenses of his Irish

adventure had left him in debt to the amount of 25,4731., besides 10,000l. to the Queen.' (Vol. i. p. 134.)

In Jan. 1576, we find Lord Essex again pressing for a settlement of his affairs. It appears also that the Queen had made 'certain offers which Essex had declined to accept, whereat her 'Majesty was offended. The style of his letter stating his 'reasons for not accepting her proposal being too lofty.' (Vol. i. p. 129.)

To the offence taken at this letter, Lord Essex touchingly alluded in that which he addressed to the Queen on his deathbed:

'My estate of life, which in my conscience cannot be prolonged until the sun rise again, hath made me dedicate myself only to God, and generally to forgive and ask forgiveness of the world; but most specially, of all creatures, to ask pardon of Your Majesty for all offences that you have taken against me, not only for my last letters, wherewith I hear Your Majesty was so much grieved, but also with all other actions of mine that have been offensively conceived by Your Majesty. My hard estate, most gracious Sovereign, having by great attempts long ebbed, even almost to the low-water mark, made me hope much of the flood of your abundance, which when I saw were not, in mine own opinion, more plentifully poured upon me, drove me to that which I dare not call plainness, but as a matter offering offence do condemn it for error; yet pardon all, Madam, because I justify not my doings, but humbly ask forgiveness, even at such a time as I can offend no more.' (Vol. i. p. 141.)

On the 30th of August 1576, a month after his last return to Dublin, he was taken ill of dysentery, brought on, as he seemed himself to consider, from hearty grief of mind.' (Vol. i. p. 138.) He at first neglected the disorder, which constantly increased