and he says that the parallel drawn from the agricultural population of the early American colonies to the colonists of the Cape, whose wealth consists in cattle, is inapplicable and fallacious. Lord Grey regards the civilisation of the native tribes at the Cape as an object of possible attainment. For my own part (he says), I confess I should grieve to think that the 'ultimate occupation of Southern Africa by a civilised popu'lation was only to be accomplished, like that of North 'America, by the gradual destruction of the native races, before 'the advancing tide of a white occupation of the soil. I be'lieve that, instead of this, the civilisation of the Black, and the 'ultimate amalgamation of the two races, is not impracticable, if 'the superior power of this country is wisely and generously 'used to enforce on both sides a respect for each other's rights, ' and to foster all those germs of improvement which are already 'showing themselves among the aboriginal population.'

In all wishes for the ultimate civilisation of the Black tribes of Southern Africa, we heartily concur; but we cannot look forward with satisfaction to such an amalgamation of races as will efface the separate existence of a White population; nor indeed do we consider it certain that a mixed or mulatto race can be permanently continued, without fresh infusions of the blood of an unmixed race. Experience seems to show, that where these renewals from the original stocks do not take place, the characteristics of the preponderant race obtain an exclusive dominion, and that those of the minority are gradually extinguished.*

• On the civilisation of savage tribes, see the interesting chapter of Mr. Kaye in his recent work on the Administration of the East 'India Company,' p. 463-493. What Mr. Kaye proves amounts only to this: that where an Indian tribe is in a state of anarchy, unsettled in its habits, and living by rapine, English officers, by great energy, daring, and personal sacrifices, have been able to raise it to the ordinary level of Indian society. He shows, moreover, that certain mischievous and immoral practices-such as human sacrifices, Suttee, female infanticide, thuggee, and to a considerable extent decoity, or gang-robbery,-have been suppressed by our Government. These latter practices, however, though ancient, have never been universal in India. Hitherto the English Government has found no means of raising the general average of native Indian civilisation: if our influence was withdrawn from any district, the population would speedily relapse into its former state. Some remarks on the difficulty of reclaiming savage tribes, and their extinction in the presence of European settlers, are made by Mr. M'Cann in his Travels through the Argentine Provinces,' vol. i. p. 253-271.

Napier. Lord Derby, in his answer, stated his objections to this course, and called upon the Governor for his opinion on the question. The subject remained for some time in abeyance, but, in July, 1848, Sir Harry Smith reported his opinion, that the time for their introduction had arrived. Lord Grey informed him, that the Home Government were prepared to act on his advice, and referred the question to the Committee of Council for Trade and Plantations. The report of this body recommended that the outlines of the constitution should be laid down in letters patent, and that the details should be filled in by the Governor with the assistance of his Legislative Council. Steps were taken both by the Home Government and the Governor for carrying this plan into effect; but various impediments, and the disturbed state of the colony, delayed its operation, and it remained in suspense when Lord Grey quitted office. At the end of December, 1850, disturbances again broke out amongst the Kaffirs, contrary to Sir Harry Smith's expectation; many of the Hottentots in the colony likewise revolted, and large defections took place in the Cape Mounted Rifle Regiment. The war which then began survived Lord Grey's administration and that of his successor, Sir J. Pakington, it seems for the present to be concluded, and we hope that it may not speedily revive. Lord Grey thinks, that if measures of severity had been promptly used, it might have been crushed in its commencement; but that Sir Harry Smith was naturally deterred from resorting to military executions, by the attacks which had made in Parliament upon Lord Torrington and Sir Henry Ward for adopting a similar course. With respect to the recall of Sir Harry Smith, which afterwards took place, Lord Grey expresses himself in a manner equally honourable to the author and to the subject of this measure.

As to the future state of the Cape colony, Lord Grey speaks of the prevalent feeling that it is not worth the sacrifices which it costs us; few persons (he says) would probably dissent from the opinion that it would be far better for this country if the 'British territory in South Africa were confined to Cape Town and to Simon's Bay.' But he shows that we have incurred moral liabilities towards the population which cannot be disregarded; thus 5000 emigrants were sent out by the Government in 1819, and settled in the district of Albany, at an expense of 120,000l.; and the European settlers have been encouraged to make improvements, and accumulate property, in the outlying districts. The argument, that the colonists would be able to provide for their own defence, if they were allowed to manage their own government, Lord Grey altogether rejects;

and he says that the parallel drawn from the agricultural population of the early American colonies to the colonists of the Cape, whose wealth consists in cattle, is inapplicable and fallacious. Lord Grey regards the civilisation of the native tribes. at the Cape as an object of possible attainment. For my own part (he says), I confess I should grieve to think that the 'ultimate occupation of Southern Africa by a civilised popu'lation was only to be accomplished, like that of North 'America, by the gradual destruction of the native races, before 'the advancing tide of a white occupation of the soil. I be'lieve that, instead of this, the civilisation of the Black, and the 'ultimate amalgamation of the two races, is not impracticable, if 'the superior power of this country is wisely and generously used to enforce on both sides a respect for each other's rights, and to foster all those germs of improvement which are already 'showing themselves among the aboriginal population.'

In all wishes for the ultimate civilisation of the Black tribes of Southern Africa, we heartily concur; but we cannot look forward with satisfaction to such an amalgamation of races as will efface the separate existence of a White population; nor indeed do we consider it certain that a mixed or mulatto race can be permanently continued, without fresh infusions of the blood of an unmixed race. Experience seems to show, that where these renewals from the original stocks do not take place, the characteristics of the preponderant race obtain an exclusive dominion, and that those of the minority are gradually extinguished.

On the civilisation of savage tribes, see the interesting chapter of Mr. Kaye in his recent work on the Administration of the East India Company,' p. 463-493. What Mr. Kaye proves amounts only to this that where an Indian tribe is in a state of anarchy, unsettled in its habits, and living by rapine, English officers, by great energy, daring, and personal sacrifices, have been able to raise it to the ordinary level of Indian society. He shows, moreover, that certain mischievous and immoral practices-such as human sacrifices, Suttee, female infanticide, thuggee, and to a considerable extent decoity, or gang-robbery,-have been suppressed by our Government. These latter practices, however, though ancient, have never been universal in India. Hitherto the English Government has found no means of raising the general average of native Indian civilisation: if our influence was withdrawn from any district, the population would speedily relapse into its former state. Some remarks on the difficulty of reclaiming savage tribes, and their extinction in the presence of European settlers, are made by Mr. M'Cann in his Travels through the Argentine Provinces,' vol. i. p. 253-271.

With respect to Natal, we can only say that it has now reached the point at which it maintains its own civil government; a circumstance which indicates a sound state of things, considering the recency of its settlement. This end has partly been attained by the policy (already adverted to) of imposing a direct tax upon the inhabitants; in this instance a tax of 7s. a-year on each native hut.

The Thirteenth and last Letter relates to those colonies which are principally to be regarded as trading stations, or as posts of military strength; and in which there is no large territory occupied for purposes of agriculture or pasturage. These, as they involve no important questions of colonial policy, may be briefly dismissed. Hong-kong has not fulfilled all the expectations originally formed of its utility; but its expenditure has been greatly reduced, and its state is satisfactory. Labuan was first occupied as a British possession during Lord Grey's Colonial Government: it is intended principally to facilitate the trade with Borneo. A similar measure was at the same time adopted with the Falkland Islands. Of the forts on the Gold Coast, Lord Grey gives a highly interesting account, and he shows how the British authority, though legally limited to a cannon shot's distance from the forts, nevertheless exercises a moral influence over a large tract of country, by the habit of the population to submit to the voluntary jurisdiction of English magistrates, who administer justice among these uncivilised people. A considerable trade has lately been established from the mouth of the Gambia; the principal export being an article entitled ground-nuts. The Governor of Bathurst, on the Gambia, has reported his opinion that cotton might be grown with profit in that district, if habits of regular industry could be established among the natives. Lord Grey, well aware of the importance of multiplying the sources of supply for cotton, considers this suggestion as worthy of attentive consideration. In Sierra Leone, the principal of our establishments in Western Africa, the finances were placed in order in Lord Grey's time, and a direct tax on houses and lands then imposed has proved productive. Malta received many improvements of its civil government under the able administration of Mr. More O'Ferrall, who was appointed Governor by Lord Grey. It had already obtained a free press, and a tariff founded on Free-trade principles; by the advice of Mr. O'Ferrall, a change was made in the Legislative Council, which admitted into it some members chosen by popular election.

In the following summary of the results of his administration, with which Lord Grey concludes his work, he is, we think,

fully borne out by the detailed account of the several colonies which he had previously given:

'Let me add, with regard to the results of our policy,—for after all it must be judged by its fruits,-that taking our Colonial Empire as a whole, I greatly doubt whether any other period of equal length can be pointed out in our history in which that empire has prospered so much, and has made such large strides towards future greatness, as during the years of which I have been speaking. There has certainly been no similar period during which, in spite of all the difficulties that have been encountered, the advance has been greater. The facts and statistics which I have quoted, from official documents, enable me to make this assertion without fear of contradiction. With the single exception of the Cape, where we left, as we found, a distressing war going on, profound peace and internal tranquillity prevailed throughout the whole of our extensive colonial empire at the time of our quitting office. A commercial revolution deeply affecting the interests of many of our most important colonies has been safely passed through, not, it is true, without much distress and loss to individuals, which I deeply lament, but with great advantage to the permanent welfare of these colonies and of the mother country; and, except where our measures have been thwarted by the opposition to the new commercial policy, the difficulties inseparable from so great a change have been nearly surmounted. Various important and difficult questions, touching both the internal government of the colonies and their relations with the mother country, have been happily settled; and in almost all the colonies a great reduction of the charges they impose on the British Treasury has been effected, and principles have been established, and rules laid down, which, if they shall continue to be acted upon, must lead to still larger and early reductions of our expenditure. The burden of taxation has also been diminished, and the state of the finances, at the same time, improved, in the colonies where the most direct authority is exercised by the Crown. Finally, while the principle of leaving to the colonists the management of their own affairs has been carried further than at any former period, this has been accomplished without disturbing any of the ancient landmarks which define the limits of the powers vested respectively in the Crown, the Imperial Parliament, and the Colonial Legislatures.' (Vol. ii. p. 302.)

We have now given such an outline of the contents of Lord Grey's work as will serve to show its importance and extent, and to prove that in composing a vindication of his own policy, he has, in fact, written a Handbook of Modern Colonial Policy, which no person desirous of understanding the present state and future prospects of our colonies can omit to read. We wish, too, that the contents of this book could become known in foreign countries, as there is scarcely any subject upon which foreign politicians more often mistake the conduct and motives of this country than colonial questions; whereas a knowledge

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