« 前へ次へ »
on Ist No.
Copland: Esq. of Colliston: inhurgh, on 11th No
At Torquay, Devonshire, on 31st October, Thomas Keeling, Esq. of the Island of St. Bar tholomew, and late of Mornington Crescent, Hampstead Road.
At Pavia, on 31st October, Antonia Scarpa, Professor of Anatomy.
At Edinburgh, on 31st October, Miss Margaret Watson, daughter of the deceased James Watson, Esq. of Saughton.
At Ladyfield Place, Edinburgh, on 31st October, John Edgar, Esq. late accountant of Excise,
At Moffat, on 31st October, Mr. Thomas Hark ness, sen., writer, Dumfries.
At Raehan Cottage, Peebles.shire, on 1st No. vember, Lady Raeburn, relict of the late Sir Henry Raeburn.
At Glasgow, on 1st November, Mr. Patrick Macfarlane.
At 29, Bernard Street, Leith, on 20 November, William, eldest son of William Lorimer, Esq. solicitor.
At Ekerslie House, on 24 November, Archi. bald Spiers, Esq. of Elderslie.
At Edinburgh, on 30 November, Mr. John Laing, surveyor of taxes.
At Edinburgh, on 30 November, Ann, eldest daughter of the late John Oucbterlony, Esq. of Guynd.
At Edinburgh, on 3d November, Mr. John Morison, late merchant, Leith.
At Ravelston, on 4th November, Sir Alexander Keith of Dunnottar, Knight Marischal of Scot. land.
At Russell Square, London, on 4th November, the Right Hon. Charles Lord Tenterden, Lord Chief Justice of his Majesty's Court of King's Bench
At London, on 5th November, Helenora, widow of Claud Alexander, Esq. of Ballochinyle, and daughter of the late Sir William Maxwell, Bart. of Springkell.
On the 5th November, James Sinith, Esq. of Swan Walk, Chelsea.
At Eliot Vale, Blackheath, on 6th November, Frederica Augusta, relict of William Lock, late of Norbury Park, Esq.
At Cheltenham, on bth November, Colonel John Herries.
At Leith, on 6th November, Mrs. Margaret Ro. bertson, relict of Mr. John Thomson, merchant, Leith.
At Kinghorn, on 7th November, James Mel. drum, late tenant of Craigton.
At Linlithgow, on 7th Nov. James Rae, Esq. Sheriff Substitute of Linlithgowshire.
At her seat, Kyne House, near Tenbury, on 8th November, Mrs. Tytts, relict of the late Jonathan Pylts, of Kyne, county of Worcester, Esq.
At Shooter's Hill, on 9th November, Lieutenant Colonel General Cuppage, Royal Artillery, and Inspector of the royal Carriage department,
At London, on 9th November, Colonel Robert Broughton, of the Hon. East India Company's service.
At Meadow Place, Edinburgh, on 10th November, Captain James Lunn, late of the 56th regment.
At Gatehouse of Fleet, on 11th November, Mrs. Janet Gordon, relict of the late Hugh Gordon, minister of Avoch.
At Dumfries, on 11th November, Miss Susan Copland, youngest daughter of the late Alexander Copland, Esq. ot Colliston.
At Haddington Place, Edinburgh, on 11th No vember, Mary, wife of Mr. Duncan Black.
At Dale Park, on Ilth November, Frances, Dov. ager Marchioness of Bute.
At Brighton, on lith November, Henry Arthur Broughton, Esq. of Great Marlborough Street
At 14, Roxburgh Place, Edinburgh, on 12th November, Mr. John M'Laren, Spirit merchant,
At Itracombe, on 13th November, Michael Bow. man, Esq. Surgeon, Harley Street, Cavendish Square.
At Belgrave Square, London, on 13th Yover. ber, Letitia, wite of Vice Admiral Sir Charles Ogle, Bart,
At Inveresk, on 14th November, Miss Margaret Hay, daughter of the late Major George Hay.
At Edinburgh, on 15th November, Mr. George Gillespie, Builder.
At Westmaids of Glaok, parish of Daviot, on 23 September, Thomas Forster, student.
At Elie, Captain John Smith, R. N.
At Blandford, Dorset, the Hon. A Stuart, for merly of the Queen's Bays, the only (and twin) brother of the Earl of Moray.
At Bonanc, county of Kerry, the Rev. Randall M.Finnan M.Carthy, R. C. C.
At Dumbreak, Kirkintilloch, Marion Fergus, relict of the late Mr. William Stewart.
At Milan, Lord Clinton,
At Ryde, Isle of Wight, the Rev. Horatio Pitt Shewell.
At Waterford, Samuel Sprigg, Esq.
At the Manse of Carlavrock, the Rev. Dr W L. liam M. Morine.
At Madras, Lieutenant-Colonel H, T. Shaw of the 45th regiment.
At Barrackpore, Licutenant E. C. Macpherson, 48th regiment, N. I.
At Winkerstones, Mr. Robert Thomson, far. mer.
At Bath, Volant Vashon Ballard, Esq, C. B. Rear Admiral of the White,
PROFESSOR SIR JOHN LESLIE, We mention, with sincere regret, the loss of this eminent philosopher; a regret deepened by the diffi. culty of filling up the place he has left vacant in our University, and in the field of scientific discovery. The death of Professor Leslie was the more afflicting to his friends, from being quite unexpected. He was at his place in Fife, busy with out-door improvements, previous to his winter duties in Edin. burgh and in his class. A neglected cold, followed by erysipelas in the legs, with his habit of body, proved rapidly fatal. He was no more, before his friends here were well apprised of his illness Sir John Leslie was in his 66th year. He was a native of Fife, and the son of a decent fariner. This is not the place for a history of his pursuits, inventions, or discoveries. They will not be forgotten. Apart from his merits as a man of science, Professor Leslie was highly valued by his personal friends as a kind, unassuming, single-hearted man, who never thought it worth while to affect that mysterious carriage of the body which is used by inferior men to veil defects of the spirit.
THE EDINBURGH PEACE MEETING,
GRAND TORY DEMONSTRATION.
This desperate a nd unprincipled faction have made a sudden and simultaneous movement throughout the three kingdoms. They have sprung their cunningly-laid mine, and bope, by a bold coup-de-main, either to hoist out the Government or greatly to influence the elections. The Whigs, taken by surprise, have not had sufficient nerve at once to Toeet the exigency, and to crush the mischief in the egg ; and the Radicals have held aloof, not we hope from recollecting the way in which their late hearty co-operation has been requited, though Bath and Middlesex warrant something like this. This must not be. The country is more than any party soreness. All merges in its danger from the Tory machinations; and its truest interests call upon every man to rally round the administration, and at once to defeat this cunning device of its enemies—those who, living in the bosom of Britain, have seized the moment of her danger and difficulty to play the game of traitors. The meetings got up in London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, with so fair a gloss of purpose, are really meant to strengthen the Dutch King in his mulish obstinacy, to encour. age the despots of the North of Europe in a new crusade against freedom, and to raise the hopes of the expelled Bourbons; and this effect they must have: nor do the secret instigators of these meetings care one jot for any mischief that may result from them, whether to the honour or the peace of the country, so that they may profit by the occasion to advance their own selfish objects. They are like thieves, who set fire to a house that they may profit by the conflagration to rob. * When we support the Whigs, the probability is, that they are in the right. The part we have played has not been that of their apologist or their partisan. The Tories, as they think, have fairly caught the Whig Ministry at an advantage. From knowing how averse the people are to war, the Conservative leaders have got up what they are pleased to call * Public MEETINGS," (although the public are carefully excluded,) to protest against the conduct of the Ministry in involving the country once more in war, in an “unjust and unnecessary war,” according to these new friends of peace—a war against an "ancient ally," in furtherance of the selfish views of our “natural enemy" France. One of these meetings has just taken place in Edinburgh, to the procecdings of which we shall shortly advert : but, as the endless protocols have so tired the public, that few recollect the nature of the question, we shall first refresh the minds of our readers by a short summary.
Belgium was given to Holland by the Holy Alliance, at their settlement of Europe ; not joined to Holland in perfect equality, but given to Holland, it may be said, as a prey. The Dutch King and the Dutcli National Debt were fixed, by Castiereagh and his royal accomplices, round the necks of the Belgians, without their consent, and grievously agains their will. The Belgians resolved to be frec, and rose against their owners. A fierce war ensued. It was stopped by the humane interference of the Five Great Powers of Europe. Both Holland and Belgium agreed to abide by the decision of these Powers. Belgium promptly fulfilled its part of the award of the Five Powers, while Holland remonstrated, and refused to abide by the same award. By obstinate perseverance, Holland obtained better terms than were originally fixed by the Five Powers; but, not contented with this, Hclland, after two years spent in protocols, persisted in stopping the navigation of the Scheldt, and in retaining possession of the citadel of Antwerp. The robber kept his grasp of the throat of his victim, in disregard of justice and the demands of the bystanders to whom both he and his victim had appealed. France and England, the only two of the Five Powers who have any sympathy with a nation that wishes to be free, warn the Dutch that, if they do not evacuate the Belgian citadel, they will compel them to do so by force. The Dutch King refuses ; and the English and French execute their threat, without the concurrence of the other three Powers of Europe, whose sympathies are all on the side of despotism ; and mark the patriotism of the Tories. This is the critical moinent which they choose to abet the King of Holland in his mad purpose, and play into the hands of a state with which Britain is at war.
By none is war more abhorred than by ourselves; and by none is interference with the affairs of the Continent more deprecated. We hold that it was quite wrong in the Duke of Wellington's Government to interfere with the Dutch and Belgian quarrel at all : Not that we had no right to interfere. It is not only lawful, but laudable, to interfere, on the side of humanity, in every case of gross oppression, whether of a nation, or an individual. If a strong man attack a weak man, unjustly, every bystander is bound to interfere to protect the weak man from the strong; and, if a powerful nation attack a weak, other nations are acting a just and proper part if they interfere against the powerful aggressor. Neither an individual nor a nation is called on to interfere in a quarrel where they cannot do so without great injury to themselves; and our National Debt is quite sufficient reason for our declining to take any part in Continental quarrels. But having interfered between Holland and Bel
grum; having spent two years in protocols, we think the British Ministry acted for the best when they resolved, in conjunction with France, to force the Dutch King to quit his gripe of the key of Belgium. The right to use force, in this case, we think indisputable; and the expediency scarcely less clear. Suppsoe the end of all the protocols had been our leaving the Dutch and Belgians to fight out their quarrel, the disgrace to us of this issue of our interference would have been the least part of the evil. That ge eral war which the Tories are so loud against, now that we are to fight on the side of liberty, would have been far more likely to ensue, than it now is. France would not have abandoned Belgium to the tender mercies of the Dutch King ; and had France moved alone to the aid of Belgium, the three d 'sporic Powers would instantly have made war on both these countries Could we, oppressed with debt and taxation as we are, have stood aloof, and contemplated, across the narrow channel which separates this country and France, the principle of liberty put down, and our gallant neighbours overrun with the armies of despotisin ? Impossible. There is, indeed, among us a vile faction that would act this base part; nay, would aet still more bisely. We have no doubt that the Tories would, in such a case, loudly call for our interference on the side of the despots, to crush Frenchi freedom, as the first step towards stracgling liberty in our own country. Nothing is too base for that detestable faction. But, fortumately, the Tories have no longer the power of doing that mischief which it is their nature to do. Their power is prostrated, never to rise again ; and any interference of this country with the affairs of the Continent, will be to support liberty, and not despotism, as of old, under the Tory regime.
What may be the result of the movement of France and England against Holland, it is impossible, when this goes to press, to foresee. But, be the consequence what it may, xe call upon every man, who wishes his cuntry rell, to support the Whig administration against the insidious attempts of the Tories to ruin them in public opinion, on account of a piece of foreign policy, which, after the interference had gone so far, they could not aroid, and which we inaintain to be boih just and expedient.
And who involved us in this dilemma? Before the Whigs had accepted of office, the Duke of Wellington's Goverument had recognised the new French Dynasty, and guaran. teed the integrity of Belgium ; and England had accepted the office of mediatrix, which traitors at home have laboured to prevent her from bringing to a successful issue. The first protocol of the London Conference had in fact been published at Brussels before the Duke of Wellington was driven from office.
And who are these lovers of peace; these shudderers at war; these shrinkers from inter. ference with foreign quarrels ? "Ae they members of the Society of Friend,? Are they the ministers of religion, and men distinguished for their meekness and piety? No, no. They are the bloody Tories, the remains of that insolent faction, who, driven from their rot. ten boroughs, and other fastnesses of corruption, now seek to rouse the people against the men who till the places they think theirs by inheritance.-Lovers of peace! They are the men who dragged this reluctant cuntry into that war to put down French liberty which has almost made us nationally bankrupt; the wen who never lost an opportunity of interfering with the quarrels of every nation of Europe ; and never failed to assist the oppressor in his oppression. Nay more, they are the men who oririnated the inte
originated the interference in this very quarrel, and continued the interference till they were driven froin office, amidst the people's execrations, to make way for better men. They disclaim being actuated by party motives ; but are any but those of their own party found at these “ Public MEETINGS," unless, perhaps, an occasional traitor, who thinks he may safely drop his mask? And they talk of economy too! the unprincipled extortioners and spendthrifts, and of peace, and humanity, and religion, the selfish, designing, and contemptible lıypocrites! Faugli!
At the Edinburgh meeting, it was plain, that it was not war simply they deprecate, but war in alliance with what they designate - Revolutionary France." Tory eyes cannot abide the Tri-color. They like it as a slave-owner likes the Bible of a missionary. At the late Public Meetings, none of the very great have appeared. To catch all sorts of fish, the Tories have woven their nets closer in the meshes this time. Their game is to alarm the fears of the people for another of those wars of which we have bad such ble-sed foretastes. To engage the general sympathy, second-rate men, in rank and fortune, and ubose as little as possible, mixed up with party politics, are ostentatiously thrust forward. But, easily is it seen, who dexterously uses the cat's-paws, and plays the wires of these puppets. Among the former of these, at the Edinburgh Meeting, was Mr. Johnston, the soi-disunt liberal member for Dunfermline. We say so in charity; for it is better to be a puddleheaded unconscious tool, than the other character sugwested by the line of conduct he bas adopted. The room in which the Tories met was about three fourthis filled; the meeting was carefully packed with their creatures, and the public excluded, by the terms of their advertisement, and by the payment of one shilling at the door. Yet fully one-third of the persons present were evidently opposed in sentiment to the speake: s, having gone out of curiosity merely . We have heard of no reformers being present except oue or two con. nected with the press, who were there in their professional capacity, and Mr. Johnston of Straiton,
“ Among the faithful, faithless only he." And this the impudent Tories, and their lying Journals, will, as they have done before, call a PUBLIC MEETING of the INHABITANTS of 'DINEU.CH.
POLITICAL MORALITY OF MODERN STATESMEN.
No. I.--SIR ROBERT PEEL.
The following paper will be devoted to an examination of the politi. cal character of the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel.
In this examination we shall be thoroughly outspoken : conventional phraseology, and all the bland hypocrisies of private life shall be discarded. However necessary such amenities may be to preserve the peace and well-being of society in its every-day intercourse, they are in the highest degree mischievous in public affairs. Truth is here of paramount import. So vast are the interests involved, so wide-spreading may be the evil resulting from error, that we cannot afford to tamper with the matter, or to risk the great and terrible sacrifice that might follow on any undue estimation. The simplest, that is, the right names, shall be employed to designate the conduct of which we may have to speak ; and should our language appear harsh, the evil must lie at the door of those who performed acts that may thus be rightly described not at ours, who have told the simple truth on the occasion.
To sift the worth of existing reputations, is at the present time pe.. culiarly necessary. We are beginning a new era ; new rules will guide the conduct of those who govern, since new ends will have to be sought by them. During the past, the great business of all who have presided over public affairs, has been to pursue one object and pretend another; to forward, in fact, the interests of a class, under specious pretences of providing for the public welfare. The great art has been, to coin apt phrases to blind the multitude, to forge plausible schemes to deceive them; under the guise of intense solicitude for the general weal, dexterously to fill particular pockets; to describe, with shew of reason, all existing evils as necessarily inhering in the frame-work of society, and all existing good as flowing from the wonderful sagacity of themselves and predecessors. He who was successful in these pretences, obtained unbounded renown and power; part of the deep-laid plan of depredation being to poison, at the fountain-heads, the public morality of the people, to corrupt as well as to deceive their judgments, and thus to make them the active instruments of their own degradation. To purify, and render uncorrupt this popular estimation, to strip the deceivers of their decent coverings, to expose the rotten and hideous deformity which their NO, X.--VOL. II.
art has disguised, should now be the great business of all who pretend to watch the conduct of public men. Now, when popular judgments will lead directly to change and fashion legislative acts, these judgments become intensely important. Hitherto, the influence of the public opinion has been merely indirect, guiding the conduct of those governing, through the medium of their fears; but now, it is to be hoped, that the acts of the government will result immediately from the will of the people, and not from that of their rulers. It is in consequence of the im. mense and direct importance of public judgments respecting public men, that we now proceed to investigate the character of one who has enjoyed no small share of consideration,—we mean Sir Robert Peel. Exploring the stews of corruption is a disgusting office ; is performed because of its imperious necessity, not from any predilection for sights of hideous deformity.
Of all the many plausible pretenders that have lately appeared in the political arena, Sir Robert Peel seems most thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his profession. In Mr. Canning, there was too much passion, and even too much brilliancy and talent, to make him at all times a wily pretender. With Mr. Huskisson, the matter was one of trade. He hired himself for the job, and performed it like a hireling. Lord Eldon, that worthy tutor of the Right Honourable Baronet, had the “ interestbegotten prejudices” of his tribe ; and he went through his business like a paid advocate whose sympathies readily accommodated themselves to his brief. But with Sir Robert Peel it is a labour of love. He seems to have the feeling of a man we had once the misfortune to know, who was dying with a desire of enacting Joseph Surface, being possessed with the notion, that his own character was so like the one imagined by the dramatist, that he could not fail of acquiring renown from the performance, So Sir Robert Peel seems to have undertaken the part of poli. tical impostor, from sheer love for the character. He has therefore enacted the same with much unction, but with rather too much care. He has, in truth, overdone the matter. His eternal trickery, his unblushing front, his ever-ready plausibility, his many-sided pretences, his too solenn knavery, have betrayed him. The elaborate finish of the performance has militated against its general effect. Still he has acquired much renown; with very moderate abilities, has contrived to obtain the reputation of a man of great power and judgment; with an extremely shallow knowledge, has come to be thought of vast acquirements; and because possessed of mere routine habits of business, has been consider. ed endowed with the master spirit of a great statesman. Use has made him a somewhat dexterous debater. He understood thoroughly the character of the past House of Commons, and was skilled in the means of addressing himself to their ignorance and their interests; could wield, with some art, the sophistry suited to their narrow understandings; and could usually lead, though he could never impel them, to his purposes. Extended views are beyond his grasp. Of the science of legislation he knows not even the elements; though, like an attorney's clerk, he be mas. ter of the mere machinery by which it is put into operation. To the higher moral attributes he is also a stranger. Cold, and overlaid with the debasing artifice of office, his soul knows no high emotions. His bosom is warmed by no generous and expanded sympathies, no high-toned and ennobling feelings. Chilled, blighted, choked by the rank growth of his party vices, every thing generous, every thing exalted, died with him and he now stands the impassible instrument of a treacherous, insolent, and rapacious party.