parallel on motions for an address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. The debate was opened by the Earl of Ormelie, the successful candidate against Sir George Murray, for Perthshire. In the course of his speech the noble Lord spoke at some length on the disastrous state of Ireland, which he attributed to misgovernment and agitation; and he alluded very pointedly to the proceedings of Mr O'Connell and the other repealers. The motion was seconded by Mr Marshall, one of the members for Leeds. The allusion to the state of Ireland, and to the Repeal of the Union, in the King's Speech and the address, naturally called up Mr O'Connell, who, in a speech which increased the reputation even of his well known talents and eloquence, detailed at great length the numerous evils his countrymen had so long suffered, and concluded with moving, that the House resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the address of his Majesty. In the course of his speech he triumphantly defended himself against the attacks of the Earl of Ormelie, and gave his Lordship some sound advice, which we trust will not be lost on him in his future Parliamentary career. The amendment was merely seconded by Mr Cobbett. Mr Stanley attempted to answer the arguments, and to refute the statements in point of fact, brought forward by Mr O'Connell, but failed in the attempt. Mr Roebuck asserted that the conduct of the Government tended to raise a civil war in Ireland; and attacked, with irresistible force, the dilatory and evasive proceedings of Ministry in regard to the taxes on knowledge. After a disjointed and unconnected harangue from Lord Althorp, and speeches from Mr Grattan and two or three other Members, the first day's proceedings were adjourned. It will not be expected that, in the limits necessarily assigned us, we can notice any considerable number of the speeches delivered during this remarkable debate. From the present agitation in Ireland of the Repeal of the Union, and the disturbed state of that country, the debate was almost entirely confined to Irish affairs. Neither Mr O'Connell, however, nor any other of the Repealers, though taunted by the Whigs, would enter fairly into the discussion of the question of Repeal. Mr E. L. Bulwer commenced the debate the second day, and ably opposed the coercive system towards Ireland. His remarks on Mr Stanley's declaration with regard to the finality of the Reform Bill, led to an explanation from that gentleman, from which we infer that he really does consider it a final measure in so far as relates to the representation of the people. Mr Tennyson, after advocating the necessity of the vote by Ballot, and shortening the duration of Parliaments, moved an amendment to the part of the address regarding Ireland, to the effect that if, under the circumstances which might be disclosed to them, they should be induced to intrust his Majesty with additional powers, they should accompany that acquiescence by a diligent investigation into the causes of discontent in Ireland, with a view to the application of prompt and effectual remedies; and that, although it was their duty to receive the petitions of the people of Ireland with regard to the legislative union, and to leave themselves free to consider that subject, yet they would support his Majesty in maintaining that union against all lawless attempts to defeat it. Mr Macauley spoke at great length on the question of the Repeal of the Union; and shewed, from the evidence of history and by irresistible arguments, that it was impossible that Ireland could continue with a distinct legislature from England, for any considerable length of time, without leading to a separation of the countries. Shiel spoke with his usual eloquence, but avoided discussing the question of Repeal, and, consequently, did not answer the arguments of Mr Macauley. Mr Charles Grant, whose opinions on Irish questions are valuable from the intimate knowledge he possesses of Ireland, addressed the House in a long and able speech, and supported the immediate granting of more extensive powers to Ministers. After hearing Mr D. W. Harvey, Lord John Russel, Mr Ewart, Mr Barron, and Sir Robert Inglis, who considered the proposed interference with the Church as a spoliation which would speedily lead to its ruin, the House adjourned. Mr Mr Hume opened the debate the third day. He complained that no speech from the throne had ever touched so lightly on the general interests of the country. He hoped that Ministers would state their intentions with regard to the burdens which peculiarly affected the middle classes; and after going through the various topics in the speech, concluded by defending the conduct of Mr O'Connell, and declaring his intention of supporting Mr Tennyson's amendment. Major Beauclerk pursued the same course of observation as Mr Hume. Mr Cobbett compared the state of Ireland with that of the American colonies when they rebelled, and read several passages from their Declaration of Independence. Mr R. Ferguson, Mr B. Hall, Mr Tancred, Lord Ebrington, and Sir R. Peel, supported the address. Sir Robert Peel, however, declared, that he should resist all measures that would turn church property from ecclesiastical purposes, though he was prepared to go into an inquiry as to its abuses. On the fourth day, the subject of Irish affairs was somewhat varied, by an incidental discussion, which arose as to the operation of the oath administered to Catholic members in taking their seats, when questions connected with the Established Church came under consideration; and by a theory maintained by Colonel Torrance, that the distresses of Ireland did not arise from her poverty, but that, on the contrary, the introducgion of more capital would be injurious to Ireland. After a lengthened debate, which lasted till three in the morning, the House divided on Mr O'Connell's amendment. For the amendment, 40 Against it, 428 The only Scotch Members in either minority, were Mr Kinloch and Mr Wallace. Notwithstanding the ample discussion of Irish affairs which we have just noticed, the same topic was resumed on the 11th of February. On the motion, that the report of the address be brought up, Mr O'Connell again spoke at great length on the distresses of Ireland, characterizing the address as brutal. Mr Spring Rice proved, from the evidence of Parliamentary documents, that the assertions of the Irish Members, relative to the decrease of the prosperity of Ireland since the Union, were unfounded. He was followed by Mr Cobbett, Mr Robinson, and by several of the Irish Members. On the question, that the report be read, Mr Cobbett again spoke at great length, and went into an irrelevant, but amusing, detail, regarding the sinecures and places held by Lord Plunkett and his family, whom he denominated young Hannibals, from bis Lordship having declared, at the time of the discussions regarding the Union, that he would not only resist it to the last gasp of his existence, but that, when he found his life about to close, he would, like Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal, take his children, and upon the altar of his country, swear them to eternal hostility and hatred to the invaders of his country. Mr Cobbett proposed an amendment, to a similar effect as that of Mr Tennyson's on a preceding night; which was seconded by Mr Fielden. In the course of Mr Cobbett's speech, he was repeatedly interrupted by laughing, and by other attempts to silence him; but without effect, as he successfully resisted all the efforts made against him. We mention this circumstance, as it was the first attempt made to put down a Member, by interruption, in the reformed Parliament. Mr Thomas Attwood, the celebrated chairman of the Birmingham Political Union, spoke against the address; and, on a division, there appeared for the amendment, Against it, 23 323 Majority for Ministers, 300 Though this discussion of Irish affairs occupied the attention of the House for five nights, the time cannot be considered as misspent. Every one who will calmly and dispassionately peruse the debate will be convinced, that the Repeal of the Union, instead of proving a remedy for the evils under which Ireland has so long suffered, would aggravate them tenfold. The impossibility of the two countries continuing in disunion for any considerable length of time, with two independent legislatures and one executive, was demonstrated by Mr Macauley; and Mr Spring Rice shewed, by the best evidence, that the notion entertained by many of the Irish, that their country has decreased in wealth and prosperity since the Union, is without foundation. The debate will also convince the repealers, that it is in vain to expect that Parliament will ever consent to a repeal; for all parties in the House, with the exception of a few of the Irish Members, agreed in denouncing the Repeal of the Union as destructive to the Empire. On the 12th February, Lord Althorp brought forward his plan for the Reform of the Church of Ireland. The following is a correct summary of the leading points of the Bill: 1. Church cess to be immediately and altogether abolished. This is a direct pecuniary relief, to the amount of about L.80,000 per annum. 2. A reduction of the number of archbishops and bishops prospectively, from four archbishops and eighteen bishops, to two archbishops and ten bishops; and the appropriation of the revenues of the suppressed sees to the General Church Fund. Archbishoprics to be reduced to bishoprics,Cashel and Tuam. Bishoprics (ten) to be abolished, and the duties to be transferred to other sees, Dromore to Down; Raphoe to Derry; Clogher to Armagh; Elphin to Kilmore; Killala to Tuam; Clonfert to Killaloe; Cork to Cloyne; Waterford to Cashel; Ossory to Ferns; Kildare to Dublin. 3. A general tax on all bishoprics, from five to fifteen per cent, to be imposed immediately. 4. An immediate reduction from the Bishopric of Derry, and a prospective reduction from the primacy, in addition to the tax; the amount to be paid to the General Church Fund. N. B. The net incomes of all the archbishops and bishops of Ireland amount to L.130,000. The plan will effect a reduction of about L.60,000. 5. An immediate tax on all benefices, from five to fifteen per cent, in lieu of first-fruits, which are hereafter to cease. Benefices under L.200 to be exempt, and the tax to be graduated according to the value. Total income of parochial clergy under L.600,000. 6. An abolition of all sinecure dignities, and appropriation of their revenues to general fund. 7. Commissioners to be appointed to administer the fund, and apply it- 1st, To ordinary church cess; surplus to augmentation of poor livings, assistance in building glebe houses, churches, dividing unions, &c. 8. Commissioners to have the power, with consent of Privy Council, of dividing and altering limits of parishes. 9. Also, where no duty has been per formed, nor minister resident for three years before the passing of the act, Commissioners to have power to suspend appointment, (if in the gift of Crown or Church,) and apply proceeds to general fund. 10. Tenants of bishops' leases to be empowered to purchase the perpetuity of their leases at a fixed and moderate amount, subject to a corn rent equal to the amount now annually paid in shape of rent and fine. N. B. This is the application to the bishops' leases of the principal of the Composition Act, so far as it precludes the possibility of future increase. 14. The proceeds of these leases to be paid to the state, and applicable to any purposes not connected with the Church. The amount, if all purchase at a low rate, will be from L. 2,500,000 to L.3,300,000 sterling. The commutation of tithes for land, and the laws of enforcing residence, and prohibiting pluralities, to be the subject of other bills. The following is the scale of deduction: Upon livings under L. 200 a-year, Government do not intend to impose any tax. From livings between L. 200 and L.500 a-year, it is intended to deduct five per cent; from livings between L.500 to L.700 a-year, six per cent; from livings between L.700 and L.800 a-year, seven per cent; from livings between L.800 and L. 1000 a-year, ten per cent; from livings between L. 1000 and L. 1200 a-year, twelve per cent; and from all livings above L. 1200 a-year, fifteen per cent. This will create a fund which, assuming the tax to be seven per cent on the whole amount of the benefices of Ireland, will yield L.42,000. Where an incumbent holds more than one living, he pays the rate of tax applicable to the amount of the whole, for the livings are not to be taxed separately. For the reduction of the bishoprics, the following scale is proposed: the revenues of those bishoprics which are below L.4000 a-year, a tax of five per cent is to be imposed; upon those between L.4000 and L.6000 a-year, seven per cent; upon those between L.6000 and L. 10,000 a-year, ten per cent; upon those between L. 10,000 and L. 15,000 a-year, twelve per cent; and upon all above L. 15,000, fifteen per cent. The net revenue of the bishopric of Derry, which is L. 12,659, and which bishopric was received by the present bishop with an understanding that the Upon revenue was subject to reduction, is to be fixed at L.8000 a-year, which will be reduced to L.7200 by the operation of the tax. This plan was most cordially received by the Irish Members. Mr O'Connell said, he had been more gratified than he could express, and would give his best support to a proposition so well founded both in principle and in practice. His Majesty's Ministers had acted most wisely in bringing forward a plan, good in its present operation, and containing principles that might be of the greatest future benefit. Mr Barron hailed the intended measure of the Noble Lord with great satisfaction, and could assure him, that it was calculated to add more to the strength of the Protestant Church in Ireland than any other measure within his control. Mr Ruthven, one of the members for Dublin, was not so well satisfied with the measure; and, therefore, proposed an amendment, to the effect that it was expedient to inquire into the present state of the Irish Church, with a view to an entire modification of its temporalities, and the appropriation of its revenues to their original purposes; but, as he did not find the amendment meet with support, he afterwards withdrew it. The high Tory party, of course, expressed their dissatisfaction with the plan, but no amendment was proposed by them; and leave was given to bring in the bill without a division. The Irish Members are the best judges of the proposed reform, and we hope the people of Ireland will be as well pleased with it as their representa tives. To us, it appears that the plan is only calculated to divide more equally the revenues of the Irish Church among her sinecure clergy, without materially abridging their amount. The reduction in the number of bishoprics is of little value, unless the revenues of those suppressed are applied to secular purposes. The abolition of the church cess is the only immediate gain; for we fear that the sums estimated to be derived from the sale of the bishops' leases will not soon be received. We do not, indeed, understand how, if a corn rent equal to the present rents and fines is to be paid by the tenants, they should be willing to give six years' purchase of the converted corn rent for a perpetuity; but this part of the plan has not yet been sufficiently explained. The whole revenues of the Irish Church were estimated, by Lord Althorp, at only L.800,000, a much smaller sum than bad been generally estimated. The number of benefices is 1401. On the 14th February, Mr Pease, a Quaker, was, on the report of a committee which had been appointed to search for precedents, allowed to take his seat as a Member of the House, on making his solemn affirmation at the table, instead of taking the usual oaths. A committee of inquiry into the state of the municipal corporations in England and Ireland was, on the motion of Lord Althorp, appointed. Mr Hume afterwards brought forward two resolutions; the first declaring, generally, the propriety of the utmost attention to economy in the public expenditure, and the second, that the existence of sinecure offices, and offices executed by deputy in the army and navy departments, is unnecessary and inexpedient. This motion was seconded by Mr Robinson, and ably supported by Mr O'Connell, Mr Roebuck, Major Beauclerk, Mr Cobbett, Mr Shiel; but being opposed by Ministers, was lost by 232 to 138, being a majority of 94. Among those whose opposition to the measure was least to be expected, was Sir Francis Burdett, the "man of the people," who, of late years, has assumed a decidedly conservative cast in his political opinions. The loss of these very reasonable resolutions makes us doubt much whether the reformed Parliament is likely to fulfil the expectations which were generally entertained of it. If the Members will not vote for the abolition of military and naval sinecures, little hope need be entertained of their reducing the taxation, or alleviating its pressure, by a more equal distribution of the burden. Only eight Scotch Members voted in the minority, Lord Dalmeny, Messrs Gillon, Kinloch, J. Oswald, R. A. Oswald, R. Pringle, Wallace, and Wemyss. It is highly creditable to Lord Dalmeny, surrounded as he is by the leaders of the Whig party in Scotland, to have thus thrown himself loose from their trammels, and asserted his right to give an independent vote; and we hope it may be accepted as a good augury of his future career in public life. In the House of Lords, no questions of any interest came under discussion, until Earl Grey brought in his bill on the 15th February, containing the coercive measures proposed against Ireland. It is, in fact, a declaration of war against that country, and places it beyond districts to which it is applied, supported, as it will be, by an overwhelming force of military, police, and yeomanry, we cannot doubt; but that any permanent tranquillity will arise from so fearful a system of coercion, we do not expect. It is far from improbable, indeed, that still farther inroads on the liberty of the subject will soon be resorted to. The Bill gets over one part of the difficulty of obtaining convictions, by dispensing with juries; but witnesses will be as unwilling to appear before courts-martial as they are at present to appear before the ordinary tribunals of the country. To complete the measure, therefore, it will be necessary that trials should take place au secret, and that secret military inquisitions should take the place of trial by one's peers. It is disgraceful to the Whig Government that matters should be brought to such a pass. They might, at any time they chose, during the last two years, have removed the grievances of Ireland, and conciliated her population; they have preferred attempting to vindicate the authority of unjust laws; and have been forced to terminate their efforts by the suspension of all law, and the placing of the Irish beyond the pale of the constitution. the pale of the British Constitution. The measure is worthy of Castlereagh, and forms a striking confirmation of the truth of our anticipations of the consequences of allowing Ireland to be ruled by the Marquis of Anglesea and Mr Stanley, men valuable in their proper departments, but utterly unfit to govern a country reduced to the state which Ireland now presents. By this act, which in reality places the country under m rtial law, the Lord Lieutenant may suppress any meeting he thinks proper; he may proclaim any district to be disturbed, and so bring it under the operation of the proposed act. In a proclaimed district, no public meeting can be held, without ten days' notice to the Lord Lieutenant, and his approbation of its object. Courts-martial are to be formed, with extensive powers, by the Lord Lieutenant, consisting of from five to nine officers, a majority of whom are empowered to give a decision. These courts are not to try capital offences without the authority of the Lord Lieutenant; and, in such cases, the punishment to be awarded is transportation for life, or for any period not less than seven years. Any one found out of his house, in a proclaimed district, between one hour after sunset and sunrise, is guilty of a misdemeanour, and may be summarily apprehended and imprisoned. Houses may be searched between sunrise and sunset, and force may be employed if entrance is refused. Any person disposing of a seditious paper, in a proclaimed district, is liable to a year's imprisonment. To prevent, as it would appear, any redress even for the abuse of these extraordinary powers, nothing done in pursuance of the Act is to be questionable in any civil or criminal court, but only in courts-martial; that is to say, redress is to be sought from the delinquents themselves. Persons may be imprisoned wherever it is thought proper, whether the place be an ordinary jail or not. The Habeas Corpus Act is suspended for three months, as far as regards every person detained under the Act, and no offence is bailable. In short, the Marquis of Anglesea, who has stated it to be his belief that he is the most unpopular man in Ireland, is to be made the Dictator of the country. The measure of course met with the decided approbation of the Tory peers, who seemed to think that it did not go far enough! That it will have the effect of causing a temporary tranquillity in the IRELAND. From the proceedings of Ministry and their statements in Parliament, we are forced to conclude that Ireland is almost in a state of rebellion, a fact which we could hardly have discovered through the ordinary sources of information. The National Council, which met in Dublin in the latter end of January, was attended by about thirty of the Irish Members of Parliament. The form of the proceedings in Parliament was in some measure imitated, and a variety of evidence was adduced before the Council, as to the grievances of Ireland. On the whole, however, we are inclined to think that little benefit was derived from this assembly. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. The foreign news of the month possess little interest. The King of Holland is as obstinate as ever, and it is strongly suspected that he is secretly supported by Russia. By imposing a heavy tax on the navigation of the Scheldt, he seems determined to force Britain and France again to resort to hostile measures. Don Pedro continues in his old quarters, and nothing of importance has occurred, unless the |