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speak of political affairs more freely to a foreigner than to their neighbours and compatriots; and of all the places of resort in Paris the garden of the Tuilleries is that which affords to a stranger the greatest facilities for entering into conversation with persons of various descriptions. He has only to sit down on one of the benches in the shady walks by the side of some other saunterer, and as the French are in general polite and communicative, there is no difficulty in commencing a conversation. I placed myself one day by the side of an officer, a fine looking man, with an open and agreeable countenance; and after some common-place observations on the heat of the weather, &c. we began to discourse concerning the late wars, and the present state of affairs. On these subjects he opened his mind with great frankness, and expressed his unqualified disapprobation of the present pacific system. I observed that the people of France were now in a far more thriving state than they had ever been during the wars. But, sir," said he, "all the people of France are not in a thriving state; for I, and many others in my situation, thrive very badly. We have nothing to do, and as little to get. Many who have risen from the lowest rank in the army are now Dukes and Marshals of France. I for my own part was only a private soldier. I was soon made a Serjeant, and then rose to the rank of Lieutenant. But here I must stop. I am only thirty-two years of age; and if peace continue, all the hairs on my head may turn grey before I obtain any higher promotion. If," added he, "the war had been carried on, many officers must have fallen in the next battle; and as their fall would have opened a way for the promotion of others, I might probably have been advanced to the rank of Captain." "But, sir," said I, "you yourself might have fallen." "That," he replied," is a very probable case; but 'tis all the same thing: the preferment at which I was aiming would have been obtained by some other, and my Lieutenancy would have been left vacant for some one below me. Such are the views which a true soldier should take of his situation." I then remarked that it must be an unhappy profession in which the hopes of each individual are founded on the effusion of human blood. "Such considerations," said he, "ought never to have any weight in the mind of a military man. For my own part," added he, with great calmness and composure, "I cannot see why we should make a high estimate either of other men's lives or our own; the length of our days at the best is very uncertain: the grave will soon close over us all, and the longest life as well as the shortest will, at the last, only resemble a dream: a short life passed amidst brilliant expectations and animating scenes, therefore, is preferable to a longer period of existence slumbered away in unenterprising inactivity." After a long conversation, I took leave of my entertaining but unfeeling companion, whom I found to be a true philosophical desperado. And, I must confess, that I felt no small degree of satisfaction in seeing the hopes of this man of blood disappointed.

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In all my conversations both with officers and privates, I could readily discover the general prevalence of the same sentiments. The soldiers of France have so long been accustomed to pillage and rapid promotion, that they consider war as their element and the ground of all their hopes. Although a great part of the army has been renewed since the battle of Waterloo, the recruits seem to have imbibed the same principles that prevailed

amongst the troops of Napoleon, and to be actuated by the same spirit. Several years, I believe, must elapse before that spirit can be extinguished. There was nothing concerning which I was more inquisitive, during my short residence at Paris, than the opinion which the people and the soldiery entertained of the military talents and political conduct of Napoleon, and the measure of their attachment to his person. Every one acknowledged with apparent exultation that he had at one time carried the glory of the French arms to its highest pitch; but all seemed to agree that the latter part of his reign displayed scenes of folly and rashness which occasioned his own ruin, and had nearly ruined France. The soldiers applauded his military genius and his consummate skill in leading an army to battle; but all of them expressed their unqualified reprobation of his conduct in regard to Spain, as well as of his expedition into Russia. "Had he not undertaken those romantic enterprises," said one of the royal guards, with whom I conversed on the subject, "nothing could have shaken his throne. Every intelligent person regarded his seizure of Spain as the first step towards his downfal, and his expedition to Moscow as the circumstance which sealed his fate." The ideas and opinions of the Parisians, and especially of the military men on these subjects, I found to be exactly the same which I had brought forward in my General History of Europe," and in my "Letters on French," as well as those on "English History," so that they might have been supposed to have perused these works. But I was surprised at being told by the soldiers, that the Spaniards were the most terrible enemies they ever had to encounter. "Their courage," said they, "was indomptable; and although our superiority in discipline and military skill rendered us an overmatch for them in the field, yet they were constantly in action, and the advantages which we gained over them one day we frequently lost on the next." The French soldiers consider the Spanish guerillas as not less formidable than the Cossacks, and acknowledge the loss of half a million of men in the peninsular war.

In speaking of the Russian campaign to several of those who had served in that war, I observed that the disasters of their retreat were terrible in the extreme, unless our newspapers had exaggerated their misfortunes. But all of them assured me that the case was so bad as to render exaggeration almost impossible. They also observed that the destruction was not of such a nature as to open a way to promotion. "In battle," said they, "the cannon, the musket-ball, and the sabre pay no respect to persons, but lay low the officer as well as the private; but when armies perish by cold and hardships, as in the retreat from Moscow, the misfortune falls chiefly on the lower class of soldiers, while the superior officers escape in consequence of possessing better means of securing themselves from the inclemency of the weather. For this reason the French soldiers say, that they never cared how often they were led out to battle, as the greater the slaughter, the better was the chance of advancement to the survivors; but they seem to have the greatest horror of perishing by hardships or sickness. I shall conclude these Recollections by observing that the Parisians, if they declare their real sentiments, have no great attachment to the Ex-emperor: that the chief trait in his character which rendered him the idol of the military, was that unremitted activity which gratified their appetite for rapine, and that they

would as readily follow and as highly esteem any other leader who should conduct them to victory, pillage, and promotion. It is, however, to be confidently hoped, that the prudence of the French government will for a long time prevent these hounds of war from being again let loose upon the world. I am, Sir, yours, &c. JOHN BIGLAND,

ON SAVINGS-BANKS.

To the Editor of the Northern Star.

YOUR correspondent A. B. on Savings-Banks, has certainly conferred an obligation on your readers; because whatever tends to bring an important subject into general notice and discussion is so far useful, and may occasionally be instrumental in removing the imperfections which too commonly attach to the best-concerted schemes, even though it be itself founded upon prejudice and misconception. As my opinion, however, of the importance of the institution in question, and of the comparative merits of Savings-Banks and Benefit-Societies, happens to be exactly the reverse of your correspondent's, I hope you will favour me so far as to give insertion to the following remarks.

The first objection of A. B. to the institution of Savings-Banks is, that it gives the minister an additional and improper influence while in office. I would certainly be as jealous as any man living, of any thing which seemed likely to be attended by this effect, because I am one of those who think that the influence of the crown "has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished;" but in what way Savings-Banks are liable to this charge, I am at a loss to conceive. Is every stockholder necessarily at the beck of the powers that be, or is it only the poor who are in danger from this undue influence? I can conceive indeed, that the system of taxation which is necessary in order to pay the interest of our overgrown national debt may be attended by an injurious effect of this kind; but this is very remotely connected with the institution of Savings-Banks, unless A. B. can make it appear, that a loan, for which Government undertake to pay a rate of interest nearly one per cent. higher than they find it necessary to offer elsewhere, increases their facilities of borrowing.

One effect of a political kind, I do think that the Savings-Banks are likely to produce; at the same time that they furnish the poor man with the best of all possible securities for his money, they show him that this security, like that of his richer neighbour, depends upon the maintenance of public credit and the preservation of the constitution. Every depositor is thus led to perceive that he has a stake in the country. He has something to lose; and consequently it is his interest to maintain things as they are; and to guard against those revolutionary convulsions which would shake the foundations of private property and public credit: but this, so far from being an objection, is evidently a great recommendation of the scheme; and to confound

this salutary and desirable consequence with a dangerous increase of the influence of the crown, is perfectly absurd; since nothing can be more evident than that an attachment to the constitution, and a personal interest in its permanency, is not necessarily connected with an adherence to the existing administration, but is consistent with, nay may londly call for, an active opposition to its measures.

If we are to believe A. B., the Savings Bank system was originally a Government speculation, in pursuance of which they offered and have actually paid £4.11s. 3d. per cent. for the money of the time poor, at the very when they could get as much as they pleased of the money of the rich at 3 per cent. A provident speculation truly! But the assertion is altogether unfounded, and shows that your correspondent is very imperfectly acquainted with the history and progress of these institutions. A very lit tle enquiry would have informed him that Savings-Banks were established at Edinburgh and in most of the principal towns of Scotland, at Bath, in London, and in many parts of England, nearly two years before Mr. Rose's bill was brought forward. Whatever, therefore, they may have since become, they cannot have been "in the first instance" a Government speculation.

The

The second objection is, that they "neutralize an immense capital, which would be productive of more public good by its free circulation." objection is not very distinctly expressed; but I suppose by neutralizing capital is meant withdrawing it from active and lucrative employment. I am certainly far from wishing that capital should be thus withdrawn, but I am at a loss to make out in what way the Savings Bank is chargeable with this tendency. The deposits of the poor are rarely, if ever, deducted from a capital, actively employed by themselves in any lucrative occupation, but are either the small overplus of their weekly or yearly wages, or some legacy or other accidental accession which they have commonly no opportunity of placing out to immediate advantage. Now, under these circumstances, what is the consequence where there is no Savings-Bank? Either the money is hoarded, exposed of course to continual depredation, and at any rate applied to no profitable use, or, in the absence of any more eligible way of disposing of it, it is entrusted to some private adventurer, who, not unfrequently squanders away in vast and extravagant, not to say unprincipled speculations, the hard-earned savings of multitudes of industrious and frugal, but deluded people. Presently the bubble bursts, and misery and ruin are spread far and wide. Such is commonly the sort of employment destined for the savings of the poor, and which your correspondent prefers to an investment in Government securities. But I deny the fact, that any capital is really "neutralized" by this operation. It is a mistake to suppose that there is any deficiency of capital in the country. The difficulty, as every one knows, is, where to find an eligible employment for it. And nothing can be more evident, than that, if any inconvenience could arise from a scarcity of capital in consequence of an extension of Savings-Banks, an increase in the profits of stock would presently occasion such a rise in the public funds, as would quickly supply the deficiency.

The Savings Banks, it is said, are also "greatly perverted from their original design; and are converted into banks for the exuberant wealth of the higher classes of the community." The abuse here referred to, exists,

I believe, to a certain extent, and it is not easy for the most vigilant directors entirely to prevent it; at the same time I am perfectly convinced that the representation given of it by your correspondent is most grossly exaggerated. The instance which he mentions as having come within his own knowledge, is, I presume, correctly stated ;-I trust, he has not failed duly to report the abuse to the directors of the institution in question; and it will then be their fault if it is not instantly rectified and the deposit returned. Of the other case which he has been told of, I must beg leave to question the accuracy, until it is better authenticated. For my own part, sir, I am happy to say, that when I affirm that the extent of this abuse has been greatly exaggerated by your correspondent, I am supported by much superior evidence. The directors of the Savings-Bank established in this place, in order to ascertain as nearly as possible what foundation there really was for the calumnies of this sort which had gone abroad, instituted a strict enquiry into the real character and situation in life of all the depositors; when it appeared that out of nearly 700, there were only about twenty who were clearly unsuitable objects; that of these the greater number had comparatively small sums in the bank; being indeed for the most part children of persons in good circumstances, whom their parents had unwarily encouraged to make these trifling deposits, (seldom exceeding five guineas,) with a view of instilling early habits of foresight and economy. By far the greater part was clearly ascertained to be the property of servants, labourers, and mechanics.

It is the opinion of A. B. that Mr. Rose would have conferred a greater obligation on the country by improving the laws relative to Friendly Societies. I have not time at present to enter minutely into a comparison of the merits of these institutions; but it may be proper to observe that the Savings-Bank holds out many advantages to the labouring classes which they cannot obtain from the Friendly Societies. These are commonly limited to particular objects, to relief during sickness or want of work, or annuities in old age; the deposits in a Savings-Bank are available for every emergency in which the surplus earnings of youth and health may be called for. The Friendly Societies require the payments to be made at stated times, which cannot be neglected without the forfeiture of all that has previously been contributed; and in fixed sums which can neither be diminished nor increased; in a Sav ings-Bank the poor man is at liberty either to discontinue his deposits altogether, or on the other hand to extend them at pleasure to any amount within the prescribed limits. Another objection to Friendly Societies is the facilities they afford in manufacturing districts to the illegal combinations which have so often occasioned serious disturbances. This effect they produce not merely by the frequent meetings which they encourage and indeed require among their members; but by connecting them together in such a manner as to render them necessarily dependent on each other for mutual support; while on the other hand it is the obvious tendency of the SavingsBank to cut up this system of combination by the roots, by enabling each individual under every emergency to provide for his own personal support.

For these and for other reasons, Mr. Editor, I am a warm friend to Savings-Banks; I trust they will go on and prosper; and that the time is not