CHAPTER XI

HENRY WHITE wrote in a private letter, "Roosevelt was the only man I have ever met who combined the qualities of an able politician at home with those of an equally good diplomatist abroad." We have seen something of his work as diplomatist in Chapter IX and shall see more as the history goes on; he was now to measure himself against the ablest politician in the United States, unless he himself were entitled to that designation, Mark Hanna. The stake was the Republican nomination for the presidency in 1904. Hanna did not approve of Roosevelt's action toward the large financial interests of the country, yet feeling that Roosevelt might have the country at his back did not act openly in opposition. On the contrary, to a certain extent, he worked with him and the President was grateful for his assistance. Writing to Taft, then Civil Governor of the Philippines, under date of March 13, 1903, he said, "With both Hanna and Aldrich I had to have a regular stand-up fight before I could get them to accept any trust legislation, but when I once got them to say they would give in, they kept their promise in good faith and it was far more satisfactory to work with them than to try to work with the alleged radical reformers." 1

Under this seeming harmony there was, however, a quiet opposition. Hanna had the support of the financial and business interests of the country but he was

1 Bishop, i. 237.

keen enough to know that something beside the backing of Wall Street and associated interests was necessary to the man who had political aspirations. He secured the support of the Labor Unions. During August, 1902, he declared: "The natural tendency in this country, ay, and in the world over, has been the selfish appropriation of the larger share by capital. As long as labor was in a situation which forced it to submit, that condition would to a very large degree continue. If labor had some grievance and each laborer in his individual capacity went to his employer and asked for consideration, how much would be shown to him? Not much. Therefore when they banded together in an organization for their own benefit which would give them power, if necessary, to demand a remedy, I say organized labor was justified. . It is truly astonishing to consider what trivial disagreements have occasioned some of the most serious strikes. I have seen two parties stand apart, each with a chip on his shoulder, defying his opponent to knock it off. . . . While labor unions may have proved a curse to England, I believe that they will prove a boon to our own country. Two factors contributed to the prosperity of our nationthe man who works with his hands and the man who works with his head - partners in toil who ought to be partners in the profit of that toil." And again in May, 1903, "I believe in organized labor and I believe in organized capital as an auxiliary." 1

Collective bargaining was Hanna's remedy for labor troubles and this doctrine he thoroughly elaborated. By his famous "stand pat" speech at Akron during September, 1902,2 he won the support of manufacturers and busi

1 Croly, 405 et seq. 2 See Croly, 417, for a full account of it.

ness men who did not want the present tariff disturbed. That Roosevelt and Hanna seemed to be drifting apart troubled a supporter of Roosevelt who was likewise a thorough-going Republican; together, he said, their power among Republicans was immense; should they openly differ and put up a fight they could smash the party. This was reported to Hanna who looked grave but said nothing. To a further remark that he seemed to have with him two inconsistent influences, the financial interests and organized labor, he said simply, I have the support of both. Hanna had likewise the backing of the Roman Catholic Church and of the Salvation Army, so that he was not an opponent to be despised and he was not in any respect thought slightingly of by Roosevelt.

The opposition between the two became public during May, 1903, and the occasion was the Republican State Convention of Ohio which met in June. Roosevelt desired ardently the presidential nomination; he was popular throughout the country evidenced by many official declarations in his favor. He kept himself before the public, travelling about the country, speaking constantly and was in the far West when this threatened disturbance in the relations between Roosevelt and Hanna became known. Foraker, who was senior Senator from Ohio, belonged to a different section of the party from the Hanna-McKinley section and felt that he had not received his share of the patronage under the McKinley administration. For this and from the antagonism that had grown up between him and Senator Hanna, he was willing to widen the breach between the President and the Senator. Prompted as he affirmed, by expressions

from Hanna's henchmen, he gave out during the last of May, 1903, an interview in which he declared: "Roosevelt has made a good President. He has been alert, aggressive and brilliant and with it all he has been successful. . . . He is to-day the best known and the most popular man in the United States. . . . Many States indorsed and declared last year in favor of him as our candidate for 1904. Nearly all the Northern States will make similar declarations this year. I do not know of any reason why Ohio should not also declare in favor of him. ... I think it would be very wise for the Republicans of Ohio at the approaching State convention not only to indorse the administration of President Roosevelt, but also to declare their intention to support him next year as our candidate for the Presidency." 1 On May 24 Hanna replied to this in a statement which was given to the press. "I am not, and will not be, a candidate for the Presidential nomination. On account of my position as Chairman of the Republican National Committee and the further fact that this year I am supposed to have a vital interest in the results in Ohio as bearing upon my reëlection to the United States Senate, it would be presumed that I might have some influence as to the policy or action of the State convention this year in national affairs. In that connection, it would seem apparent that whatever that influence might be it had been exerted in a direction which would cause just criticism on the part of any other person who might aspire to be a candidate for the Republican nomination for President in 1904. For these reasons I am opposed to the adoption of such a resolution."

1 Notes of a Busy Life, Foraker, ii. 110.

On the same day Hanna telegraphed to the President who was at Seattle, Washington: "The issue that has been forced upon me in the matter of our State convention this year indorsing you for Republican nomination next year has come in a way which makes it necessary for me to oppose such a resolution. When you know all the facts I am sure that you will approve my course.' Roosevelt replied on the same day: "Your telegram received. I have not asked any man for his support. I have nothing whatever to do with raising this issue. Inasmuch as it has been raised, of course, those who favor my administration and my nomination will favor indorsing both, and those who do not will oppose." This brought from Hanna the rejoinder on May 26: "Your telegram of the 23d received. In view of the sentiment expressed I shall not oppose the indorsement of your administration and candidacy by our State convention. I have given the substance of this to the Associated Press." On May 29 in reply to a letter from Hanna Roosevelt wrote from Ogden, Utah: "Your interview was everywhere accepted as the first open attack on me, and it gave heart, curiously enough, not only to my opponents but to all the men who lump you and me together as improperly friendly to organized labor and to the working men generally. . . . The general belief was that this was not your move save indirectly; but that it was really an attack by the so-called Wall Street forces on me, to which you had been led to give a reluctant acquiescence.

After thinking the matter carefully over I became sure that I had to take a definite stand myself. I hated to do it, because you have shown such generosity and straightforwardness in all your dealings with me that it