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European usurpers, and which neither the an indubitable right; because it is the conse. English nor Spaniards will contest ; but of this quence of their virtue. It is ridiculous to imacold region they have enough already, and their gine, that the friendship of nations, whether resolution was to get a better country. This civil or barbarous, can be gained and kept but was not to be had but by settling to the west of by kind treatment; and surely they wbo in. our plantations, on ground which has been trude, uncalled, upon the country of a distant hitherto supposed to belong to us.
people, ought to consider the natives as worthy Hither, therefore, they resolved to remove, of common kindness, and content themselves and to fix, at their own discretion, the western to rob without insulting them. The French, border of our colonies, which was heretofore con- as has been already observed, admit the Indians, sidered as unlimited. Thus by forming a line by intermarriage, to an equality with them. of forts, in some measure parallel to the coast, selves; and those nations, with which they have they inclose us between their garrisons and the no such near intercourse, they gain over to sea, and not only hinder our extension west- their interest by honesty in their dealings. Our ward, but, whenever they have a sufficient navy factors and traders, having no other purpose in in the sea, can harass us on each side, as they view than immediate profit, use all the arts of can invade us at pleasure from one or other of an European counting-house, to defraud the their forts.
simple hunter of his furs. This design was not perhaps discovered as These are some of the causes of our present soon as it was formed, and was certainly not op- weakness; our planters are always quarrelling posed as soon as it was discovered; we foolishly with their governor, whom they consider as less hoped, that their encroachments would stop, that to be trusted than the French ; and our traders they would be prevailed on by treaty and re- bourly alienate the Indians by their tricks and monstrance, to give up what they had taken, or oppressions, and we continue every day to show to put limits to themselves. We suffered them by new proofs, that no people can be great who to establish one settlement after another, to have ccased to be virtuous. pass boundary after boundary, and add fort to fort, till at last they grew strong enough to avow their designs, and defy us to obstruct them.
By these provocations long continued, we are at length forced into a war, in which we have OBSERVATIONS ON THE TREATY bad hitherto very ill fortune. Our troops un- Between his Britannic Majesty and Imperial Majesty of der Braddock were dishonourably defeated; our all the Russias, signed at Moscow, Dec. 11, 1712; the fleets have yet done nothing more than taken a Treaty between his Britannic Majesty and the Land few merchant-ships, and have distressed some grave of Hesse Cassel, signed June 18, 1755; and the private families, but have very little weakened
Treaty between his Britannic Majesty and her Imperial
Majesty of all the Russias, signed at St. Petersburghi, the power of France. The detention of their
Sept. 19-30, 1755 seamen makes it indeed less easy for them to fit out their navy; but this deficiency will be easily FROM THE LITERARY MAGAZINE FOR JULY, 1736. supplied by the alacrity of the nation, which is always eager for war.
These are the treaties which for many months It is unpleasing to represent our affairs to our filled the senate with debates, and the kingdom own disadvantage: yet it is necessary to show with clamours; which were represented on ode the evils which we desire to be removed ; and, part as instances of the most profound policy therefore, some account may very properly be, and the most active care of the public welfare, given of the measures which have given them and on the other as acts of the most contempttheir present superiority.
ible folly and most flagrant corruption, as violaThey are said to be supplied from France with tions of the great trust of government, by which better governors than our colonies have the the wealth of Britain is sacrificed to private fate to obtain from England. A French go- views, and to a particular province. vernor is seldom chosen for any other reason What honours our ministers and negotiators than his qualifications for his trust. To be a may expect to be paid to their wisdom, it is hard bankrupt at home, or to be so infamously vi. to determine, for the demands of vanity are not cious that he cannot be decently protected in his easily estimated. They should consider, before owu country, seldom recommends any man to they call too loudly for encomiums, that they the government of a French colony. Their live in an age when the power of gold is no officers are commonly skilful either in war or longer a secret, and in which no man finds much commerce, and are taught to have no expecta- difficulty in making a bargain with money in tion of honour or preferment, but from the his hand. To hire troops is very easy to those justice and vigour of their administration. who are willing to pay their price. It appears,
Their great security is the friendship of the therefore, that whatever has been done, was natives, and to this advantage they have certainly done by means which every man knows how to
use, if fortune is kind enough to put them in, in defence of Britain; that we are engaged in a bis power.
To arm the nations of the north in naval war for territories on a distant continent; the cause of Britain, to bring down hosts against and that these troops, though mercenaries, can France from the polar circle, has indeed a sound never be auxiliaries ; that they increase the burof magnificence, which might induce a mind den of the war, without hastening its concluunacquainted with public affairs to imagine, sion, or promoting its success; since they can that some effort of policy more than human had neither be sent into America, the only part of been exerted, by which distant nations were the world where England can, on the present armed in our defence, and the influence of Bri- occasion, have any employment for land forces, tain was extended to the utmost limits of the nor be put into our ships, by which, and by world. But when this striking phenomenon of which only, we are now to oppose and subdue negotiation is more nearly inspected, it appears our enemies. a bargain merely mercantile of one power that Nature has stationed us in an island inaccesswanted troops more than money, with another ible but by sea; and we are now at war with an that wanted money, and was burdened with enemy, whose naval power is inferior to our troops; between whom their mutual wants own, and from whom therefore we are in no made an easy contract, and who have no other danger of invasion: to what purpose then are friendship for each other, than reciprocal con- troops hired in such uncommon numbers ? To venience happens to produce.
what end do we procure strength which we We shall therefore leave the praises of our cannot exert, and exhaust the nation with subministers, to others, yet not without this ac- sidies at a time when nothing is disputed, which knowledgment, that if they have done little, the princes who receive our subsidies can dethey do not seem to boast of doing much; and fend? If we had purchased ships, and hired that whether influenced by modesty or frugality, seamen, we had apparently increased our power, they have not wearied the public with mercenary and made ourselves formidable to our enemies, panegyrists, but have been content with the and, if any increase of security be possible, had concurrence of the parliament, and have not secured ourselves still better from invasions : much solicited the applauses of the people. but what can the regiments of Russia or of
In public as in private transactions, men more Hesse contribute to the defence of the coasts of frequently deviate from the right for want of England; or by what assistance can they repay virtue than of wisdom; and those who declare us the sums which we have stipulated to pay for themselves dissatisfied with these treaties, im- their costly friendship? pute them not to folly, but corruption.
The king of Great Britain has indeed a terriBy these advocates for the independence of tory on the continent, of which the natives of Britain, who, whether their arguments be just this island scarcely knew the name till the preor not, seem to be most favourably heard by the sent family was called to the throne, and yet people, it is alleged, that these treaties are ex- know little more than that our king visits it pensive without advantage; that they waste the from time to time. Yet for the defence of this treasure which we want for our own defence, country are these subsidies apparently paid, and upon a foreign interest; and pour the gains of these troops evidently levied. The riches of our our commerce into the coffers of princes, whose nation are sent into distant countries, and the enmity cannot hurt nor friendship help us; who strength which should be employed in our own set their subjects to sale like sheep or oxen, with- quarrel consequently impaired, for the sake of out any inquiry after the intentions of the buyer, dominions, the interest of which has no conand will withdraw the troops with which they nexion with ours, and which, by the act of suchave supplied us, whenever a higher bidder shall cession, we took care to keep separate from the be found.
British kingdoms. This perhaps is true, but whether it be true To this the advocates for the subsidies say, or false is not worth inquiry. We did not ex- that unreasonable stipulations, whether in the pect to buy their friendship, but their troops; act of settlement or any other contract, are in nor did we examine upon what principle we themselves void ; and that if a country connect, were supplied with assistance; it was sufficiented with England by subjection to the same sovethat we wanted forces, and that they were will- reign, is endangered by an English quarrel, it ing to furnish them. Policy never pretended to must be defended by English force; and that we make men wise and good; the utmost of her do not engage in a war for the sake of Hanover, power is to make the best use of men such as but that Hanover is for our sake exposed to they are, to lay hold on lucky hours, to watch danger. the present wants and present interests of others, Those who brought in these foreign troops and make them subservient to her own conveni- have still something further to say in their de
fence, and of no honest plea is it our intention It is farther urged with great vehemence, that to defraud them. They grant, that the terror these troops of Russia and Hesse are not hired I of invasion may possibly be groundless, that the
ING FRENCH PRISONERS OF WAR.
French may want the power or the courage to By the bill, such as it was formed, sixty thou, attack us in our own country; but they main- sand men would always be in arms. We have tain, likewise, that an invasion is possible, that shown * how they may be upon any exigence the armies of France are so numerous that she easily increased to a hundred and fifty thoumay hazard a large body on the ocean, without sand; and I believe, neither our friends nor eneleaving herself exposed ; that she is exasperated mies will think it proper to insult our coasts, to the utmost degree of acrimony, and would be when they expect to find upon them a bundred willing to do us mischief at her own peril. They and fifty thousand Englishmen with swords in allow that the invaders may be intercepted at their hands. sea, or that, if they land, they may be defeated by our native troops. But they say, and say justly, that danger is better avoided than encountered; that those ministers consult more
INTRODUCTION the good of their country who prevent invasion, than repel it ; and that if these auxiliaries have only saved us from the anxiety of expecting an PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE enemy at our doors, or from the tumult and distress which an invasion, how soon soever repress- APPOINTED TO MANAGE THE CONTRIBUTIONS BEed, would have produced, the public money is GUN AT LONDON, DEC. 18, 1758, FOR CLOTHnot spent in vain.
These arguments are admitted by some, and by others rejected. But even those that admit The Committee entrusted with the money conthem, can admit them only as pleas of necessity; tributed to the relief of the subjects of France, for they consider the reception of mercenaries now prisoners in the British dominions, here lay into our country as the desperate remedy of des- before the public an exact account of all the perate distress; and think with great reason, sums received and expended, that the donors that all means of prevention should be tried to may judge how properly their benefactions have save us from any second need of such doubtful been applied.
Charity would lose its name, were it influencThat we are able to defend our own country, cd by so mean a motive as human praise ; it is that arms are most safely entrusted to our own therefore not intended to celebrate by any parhands, and that we have strength, and skill, and ticular memorial, the liberality of single persons, courage, equal to the best of the nations of the or distinct societies; it is sufficient that their continent, is the opinion of every Englishman, works sraise them. who can think without prejudice, and speak Yet he who is far from seeking honour, may without influence; and therefore it will not be very jusly obviate censure. If a good exameasy to persuade the nation, a nation long re- ple bas leen set, it may lose its influence by nowned for valour, that it can need the help of misrepresentation ; and to free charity from reforeigners to defend it from invasion. We have proach, is itself a charitable action. been long without the need of arms by our good Against the relief of the French only one fortune, and long without the use by our negli argument has been brought: but that one is so gence ; so long, that the practice and almost the popular and specious, that if it were to remain name of our old trained-bands is forgotten. But unexamined, it would by many be thought irtethe story of ancient times will tell us, that the fragable. It has been urged, that charity, like trained. bands were once able to maintain the other virtues, may be improperly aud unseasonquiet and safety of their country; and reasonably exerted; that while we are relieving without history will inform us, that those men Frenchmen, there remain many Englishmen are most likely to fight bravely, or at least to unrelieved; that while we lavish pity on our fight obstinately, who fight for their own houses enemies, we forget the misery of our friends. and farms, for their own wives and children. Grant this argument all it can prove, and
A bill was therefore offered for the prevention what is the conclusion ?-Tbat to relieve the of any future danger or invasion, or necessity of French is a good action, but that a better may mercenary forces, by re-establisbing and improv- be conceived. This is all the result, and this all ing the militia. It was passed by the Commons, is very little. To do the best can seldom be the but rejected by the Lords. That this bill, the lot of man : it is sufficient if, when opportunities first essay of political consideration as a subject are presented, he is ready to do good. How long forgotten, should be liable to objection, little virtue could be practised, if beneficence cannot be strange ; but surely justice, policy, were to wait always for the most proper objects, common reason, require that we should be trust- and the noblest occasions ; occasions that may ed with our own defence, and be kept no longer in such a helpless state as at once to dread our epermies ap| confederates.
* See Literary Magazine, No. II. p. 63.
never happen, and objects that may never be willing than the French to lead; but it is, I found.
think, universally allowed, that the English It is far from certain, that a single English- soldiers are more willing to follow. Our nation man will suffer by the charity of the French. may boast, beyond any other people in the New scenes of misery make new impressions; world, of a kind of epidemic bravery, diffused and much of the charity which produced these equally through all its ranks. We can show a donations, may be supposed to have been gene- peasantry of heroes, and fill our armies with rated by a species of calamity never known clowns, whose courage may vie with that of among us before. Some imagine that the laws their general. have provided all necessary relief in common There may be some pleasure in tracing the cases, and remit the poor to the care of the pub-causes of this plebeian magnanimity. 'The lic; some have been deceived by fictitious qualities which commonly make an army formisery, and are afraid of encouraging imposture; midable, are long habits of regularity, great exmany have observed want to be the effect of actness of discipline, and great confidence in the vice, and consider casual almsgivers as patrons commander. Regularity may, in time, produce of idleness. But all these difficulties vanish in a kind of mechanical obedience to sigoals and the present case: we know that for the Prison- commands, like that which the perverse Carteers of War there is no legal provision; we see sians impute to animals; discipline may impress their distress, and are certain of its cause ; we such an awe upon the mind, that any danger know that they are poor and naked, and poor shall be less dreaded than the danger of punishand naked without a crime.
ment; and confidence in the wisdom or fortune But it is not necessary to make any conces- of the general, may induce the soldiers to follow sions. The opponents of this charity must allow him blindly to the most dangerous enterprise. it to be good, and will not easily prove it not to What may be done by discipline and regulbe the best. That charity is best of which the larity, may be seen in the troops of the Russian consequences are most extensive: the relief of empress and Prussian monarch. We find that enemies has a tendency to unite mankind in fra- they may be broken without confusion, and reternal affection; to soften the acrimony of ad- pulsed without flight. verse nations, and dispose them to peace and But the English troops have none of these amity: in the mean time, it alleviates captivity, requisites in an eminent degree. Regularity is and takes away something from the miseries of by no means part of their character; they are war. The rage of war, however mitigated, will rarely exercised, and therefore show very little always fill the world with calamity and horror; dexterity in their evolutions as bodies of men, let it not then be unnecessarily extended; let or in the manual use of their weapons as indi. animosity and hostility cease together; and no viduals; they neither are thought by others, nor inan be longer deemed an enemy, than while his by themselves, more active or exact than their sword is drawn against us.
enemies, and therefore derive none of their couThe effects of these contributions may, per- rage from such imaginary superiority. haps, reach still further. Truth is best sup- The manner in which they are dispersed in ported by virtue: we may hope from those who quarters over the country during times of peace, feel or who see our charity, that they shall no naturally produces laxity of discipline : they are longer detest as heresy that religion which very little in sight of their officers; and, when makes its professors the followers of Him, who they are not engaged in the slight duty of the has commanded us to “ do good to them that guard, are suffered to live every man his own hate us.
The equality of English privileges, the impar. tiality of our laws, the freedom of our tenures,
and the prosperity of our trade, dispose us very ON THE BRAVERY OF TIIE ENG. little to reverence of superiors. It is not to any LISH COMMON SOLDIERS. great esteem of the officers that the English sol.
dier is indebted for his spirit in the hour of bat. By those who have compared the military genius tle ; for perhaps it does not often happen that he of the English with that of the French nation, thinks much better of his leader than of himself. it is remarked, that the French officers will al- | The French Count, who has lately published ways lead, if the soldiers will follow: and that the the Art of War, remarks how much soldiers are English soldiers will always follow, if their officers animated, when they see all their dangers shared will lead.
by those who were born to be their masters, and In all, pointed sentences, some degree of ac- whom they consider as beings of a different rank. curacy must be sacrificed to conciseness: and, The Englishman despises such motives of cou. in this comparison, our officers seem to lose rage: he was born without a master; and looks what our soldiers gain. I know not any reason not on any man, however dignified by lace or for supposing that the English officers are less titles, as deriving from nature any claims to his
respect, or inheriting any qualities superior to Causeless discontent and seditious violence will his own.
grow less frequent and less formidable, as the There are some, perhaps, who would imagine science of government is better ascertained, by that every Englishman fights better than the diligent study of the theory of man. subjects of absolute governments, because he It is not indeed, to be expected, that pbysical has more to defend. But what has the English and political truth should meet with equal acmore than the French soldier? Property they ceptance, or gain ground upon the world with are both commonly without. Liberty is, to the equal facility. The notions of the naturalist lowest rank of every nation, little more than the find mankind in a state of neutrality, or at worst choice of working or starving ; and this choice have nothing to encounter but prejudice and is, I suppose, equally allowed in every country. vanity; prejudice without malignity, and vanity The English soldier seldom has his head very without interest. But the politician's improve full of the constitution ; nor has there been, for ments are opposed by every passion that can exmore than a century, any war that put the clude conviction or suppress it; by ambition, by property or liberty of a single Englishman in avarice, by hope, and by terror, by public facdanger.
tion, and private animosity. Whence then is the courage of the English It is evident, whatever be the cause, that this vulgar? It proceeds, in my opinion, from that nation, with all its renown for speculation and dissolution of dependence, which obliges every for learning, has yet made little proficiency in man to regard his own character. While every civil wisdom. We are still so much unacman is fed by his own hands, he has no need of quainted with our own state, and so unskilful any servile arts; he may always have wages for in the pursuit of happiness, that we shudder his labour; and is no less necessary to his em- without danger, complain without grievances
, ployer, than his employer is to him. While he and suffer our quiet to be disturbed, and our looks for no protection from others, he is natu- commerce to be interrupted, by an opposition to rally roused to be his own protector; and having the Government, raised only by interest, and nothing to abate his esteem of himself, he conse- supported only by clamour, which yet bas so quently aspires to the esteem of others. Thus far prevailed upon ignorance and timidity, that every man that crowds our streets is a man of many favour it as reasonable, and many dread honour, disdainful of obligation, impatient of re- it as powerful. proach, and desirous of extending his reputation What is urged by those who have been so inamong those of his own rank; and as courage dustrious to spread suspicion, and incite fury, is in most frequent use, the fame of courage is from one end of the kingdom to the other, may most eagerly pursued. From this neglect of be known by perusing the papers which bare subordination I do not deny that some inconve- been at once presented as petitions to the king, niences may from time to time proceed : the and exhibited in print as remonstrances to the power of the law does not always sufficiently people. It may therefore not be improper to las supply the want of reverence, or maintain the before the Public the reflections of a man who proper distinction between different ranks ; but cannot favour the opposition, for he thinks good and evil will grow up in this world to- it wicked, and cannot fear it, for he thinks it gether; and they who complain, in peace, of weak. the insolence of the yepulace, must remember, The grievance which has produced all this that their insolence in peace is bravery in war. tempest of outrage, the oppression in which all
other oppressions are included, the invasion which has left us no property, the alarm that suffers no patriot to sleep in quiet, is comprised
in a vote of the House of Commons, by which THE FALSE ALARM. 1770. the freeholders of Middlesex are deprived of a
Briton's birthright, representation in parliaOne of the chief advantages derived by the pre- ment. sent generation from the improvement and dir
They have, indeed, received the usual writ of fusion of philosophy, is deliverance from un-election, but that writ, alas ! was malicious necessary terror, and exemption from false mockery; they were insulted with the form, alarms. The unusual appearances, whether but denied the reality, for there was one man regular or accidental, which once spread con- excepted from their choice. sternation over ages of ignorance, are now the recreations of inquisitive security. The sun is
Non de vi, neque cæde, nec veneno,
Sed lis est mihi de tribus capillis. no more lamented when it is eclipsed, than when it sets ; and meteors play their corusca- The character of the man thus fatally extions without prognostic or prediction. The advancement of political knowledge may poon itself would disdain to speak ill of him of
cepted, I have no purpose to delineate. Lambe expected to produce in time the like effects.
whom no man speaks well. It is sufficient that