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le went on, after a little practice, ich facility as if it was his native ne sentence this writer well rememerving that Fontenelle at first opposwtonian philosophy, and embraced it afterwas, his words were: Fontenellus, ni fallor, in extremâ senectute, fuit transfuga ad castra Newtoniana.

We have now travelled through that part of Dr. Johnson's life which was a perpetual struggle with difficulties. Halcyon days are now to open upon him. In the month of May 1762, his Majesty, to reward literary merit, signified his pleasure to grant to Johnson a pension of three hundred pounds a year. The Earl of Bute was minister. Lord Loughborough, who, perhaps, was originally a mover in the business, had authority to mention it. He was well acquainted with Johnson; but, having heard much of his independent spirit, and of the downfall of Osborne the bookseller, he did not know but his benevolence might be rewarded with a folio on his head. He desired the author of these memoirs to undertake the task. This writer thought the opportunity of doing so much good the most happy incident in his life. He went, without delay, to the chambers in the Inner Temple-lane, which, in fact, were the abode of wretchedness. By slow and studied approaches the message was disclosed. Johnson made a long pause: he asked if it was seriously intended? He fell into a profound meditation, and his own definition of a pensioner occurred to him. He was told, "That he, at least, did not come within the definition." He desired to meet next day and dine at the Mitre Tavern. At that meeting he gave up all his scruples. On the following day Lord Loughborough conducted him to the Earl of Bute. The conversation that passed was in the evening related to this writer by Dr. Johnson. He expressed his sense of his Majesty's bounty, and thought himself the more highly honoured, as the favour was not bestowed on him for having dipped his pen in faction. "No, Sir," said Lord Bute, "it is not offered to you for having dipped your pen in faction, nor with a design that you ever should." Sir John Hawkins will have it, that, after this interview, Johnson was often pressed to wait on Lord Bute: but with a sullen spirit refused to comply. However that be, Johnson was never heard to utter a disrespectful word of that nobleman. The writer of this essay remembers a circumstance which may throw some light on this subject. The late Dr. Rose, of Chiswick, whom Johnson loved and respected, contended for the pre-eminence of the Scotch writers; and Ferguson's book on Civil Society, then on the eve of publication, he said, would give the laurel to North Britain. "Alas! what can he do upon that subject?" said Johnson:"Aristotle, Polybius, Grotius, Puffendorf,

and Burlemaqui, have reaped in that field be fore him." "He will treat it," said Dr. Rose, "in a new manner." "A new manner! Buckinger had no hands, and he wrote his name with his toes at Charing-cross, for half-acrown a-piece; that was a new manner of writing!" Dr. Rose replied, "If that will not satisfy you, I will name a writer, whom you must allow to be the best in the kingdom "Who is that?" "The Earl of Bute, when he wrote an order for your pension.' "There, Sir," said Johnson, "you have me in the toil: to Lord Bute I must allow whatever praise you may claim for him." Ingratitude was no part of Johnson's character.

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Being now in the possession of a regular income, Johnson left his chambers in the Temple, and once more became master of a house in Johnson's-court, Fleet-street. Dr. Levet, his friend and physician in ordinary,* paid his daily visits with assiduity; made tea all the morning, talked what he had to say, and did not expect an answer. Mrs. Williams had her apartment in the house, and entertained her benefactor with more enlarged conversation. Chemistry was part of Johnson's amusement. For this love of experimental philosophy, Sir John Hawkins thinks an apology necessary. tells us, with great gravity, that curiosity was the only object in view; not an intention to grow suddenly rich by the philosopher's stone, or the transmutation of metals. To enlarge his circle, Johnson once more had recourse to a literary club. This was at the Turk's Head, in Gerard-street, Soho, on every Tuesday evening through the year. The members were, besides himself, the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Dr. Nugent, Dr. Goldsmith, the late Mr. Topham Beauclerk, Mr. Langton, Mr. Chamier, Sir John Hawkins, and some others. Johnson's affection for Sir Joshua was founded on a long acquaintance, and a thorough knowledge of the virtues and amiable qualities of that excellent artist. delighted in the conversation of Mr. Burke. He met him for the first time at Mr. Garrick's, several years ago. On the next day he said, "I suppose, Murphy you are proud of your countryman. CUM TALIS SIT UTINAM NOSTER SET?" From that time his constant observation was, "That a man of sense could not meet Mr. Burke by accident, under a gateway to avoid a shower, without being convinced that he was the first man in England." Johnson felt not only kindness, but zeal and ardour for his friends. He did every thing in his power to advance the reputation of Dr. Goldsmith. He loved him, though he knew his failings, and particularly the leaven of envy, which corroded

See Johnson's Epitaph on him.

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Johnson was every day at an elegant table, with select and polished company. Whatever could be devised by Mr. and Mrs. Thrale to promote the happiness, and establish the health of their guest, was studiously performed from that time to the end of Mr. Thrale's life. Johnson accompanied the family in all their summer excursions to Brighthelmstone, to Wales, and to Paris. It is but justice to Mr. Thrale to say, that a more ingenuous frame of mind no man possessed.

the mind of that elegant writer, and made him impatient, without disguise, of the praises bestowed on any person whatever. Of this infirmity, which marked Goldsmith's character, Johnson gave a remarkable instance. It hap pened that he went with Sir Joshua Reynolds and Goldsmith to see the Fantoccini, which were exhibited some years ago in or near the Haymarket. They admired the curious mechanism by which the puppets were made to walk the stage, draw a chair to the table, sit| His education at Oxford gave him the habits of down, write a letter, and perform a variety of other actions, with such dexterity, that "though Nature's journeymen made the men, they imitated humanity" to the astonishment of the spectator. The entertainment being over, the three friends retired to a tavern. Johnson and Sir Joshua talked with pleasure of what they had seen; and says Johnson, in a tone of admiration, "How the little fellow brandished his spontoon!" "There is nothing in it," replied Goldsmith, starting up with impatience; "give me a spontoon; I can do it as well myself."

Enjoying his amusements at his weekly club, and happy in a state of independence, Johnson gained in the year 1765 another resource, which contributed more than any thing else to exempt him from the solicitudes of life. He was introduced to the late Mr. Thrale and his family. Mrs. Piozzi has related the fact. and it is therefore needless to repeat it in this place. The author of this narrative looks back to the share he had in that business with self-congratulation, since he knows the tenderness which from that time scothed Johnson's cares at Streatham, and prolonged a valuable life. The subscribers to Shakspeare began to despair of ever seeing the promised edition. To acquit himself of this obligation, he went to work unwillingly, but pro ceeded with vigour. In the month of October, 1765, Shakspeare was published; and, in a short time after, the University of Dublin sent over a diploma, in honourable terms, creating him a Doctor of Laws. Oxford, in eight or ten years afterwards, followed the example; and till then Johnson never assumed the title of Doctor. In 1766 his constitution seemed to be in a rapid decline; and that morbid melancholy which often clouded his understanding, came upon him with a deeper gloom than ever. Mr. and Mrs. Thrale paid him a visit in this situation, and found him on his knees, with Dr. Delap, the Rector of Lewes, in Sussex, beseeching God to continue to him the use of his understanding. Mr. Thrale took him to his house at Streatham; and Johnson from that time became a constant resident in the family. He went occasionally to the club in Gerard-street; but his head-quarters were fixed at Streatham. An apartment was fitted up for him, and the library was greatly enlarged. Parties were constantly invited from town; and

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a gentleman; his amiable temper recommended his conversation; and the goodness of his heart made him a sincere friend. That he was the patron of Johnson is an honour to his memory.

In petty disputes with contemporary writers, or the wits of the age, Johnson was seldom entangled. A single incident of that kind may not be unworthy of notice, since it happened with a man of great celebrity in his time. A number of friends dined with Garrick on a Christmas-day. Foote was then in Ireland. It was said at table, that the modern Aristophanes (so Foote was called) had been horse-whipped by a Dublin apothecary, for mimicking him on the stage. "I wonder," said Garrick, "that any man should show so much resentment to Foote; he has a patent for such liberties; nobody ever thought it worth his while to quarrel with him in London." "I am glad," said Johnson, "to find that the man is rising in the world." The expression was afterwards reported to Foote; who, in return, gave out, that he would produce the Caliban of Literature on the stage. Being informed of this design, Johnson sent word to Foote, "That the theatre being intended for the reformation of vice, he would step from the boxes on the stage, and correct him before the audience." Foote knew the intrepidity of his antagonist, and abandoned the design. No ill-will ensued. Johnson used to say, "That, for broad-faced mirth, Foote had not his equal.'

Dr. Johnson's fame excited the curiosity of the King. His Majesty expressed a desire to see a man of whom extraordinary things were said. Accordingly, the librarian at Buckingham-house invited Johnson to see that elegant collection of books, at the same time giving a hint of what was intended. His Majesty entered the room; and, among other things, asked the author, "if he meant to give the world any more of his compositions?" Johnson answered, "That he thought he had written enough." "And I should think so too," replied his Majesty, "if you had not written so well."

Though Johnson thought he had written enough, his genius, even in spite of bodily sluggishness, could not lie still. In 1770 we find him entering the lists as a political writer. The flame of discord that blazed throughout the nation on the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes, and the

final determination of the House of Commons, | considers how the hydra was destroyed." The

us,

that Mr. Luttrell was duly elected, by 206 votes against 1143, spread a general spirit of disconteut. To allay the tumult, Dr. Johnson published The False Alarm. Mrs. Piozzi informs "That this pamphlet was written at her house, between eight o'clock on Wednesday night and twelve on Thursday night." This celerity has appeared wonderful to many, and some have doubted the truth. It may, however, be placed within the bounds of probability. Johnson has observed that there are different methods of composition. Virgil was used to pour out a great number of verses in the morning, and pass the day in retrenching the exuberances, and correcting inaccuracies; and it was Pope's custom to write his first thoughts in his first words, and gradually to amplify, decorate, rectify, and refine them. Others employ at once memory and invention, and with little intermediate use of the pen, form and polish large masses by continued meditation, and write their productions only, when, in their opinion, they have completed them. This last was Johnson's method. He never took his pen in hand till he had well weighed his subject, and grasped in his mind the sentiments, the train of argument, and the arrangement of the whole. As he often thought aloud, he had, perhaps, talked it over to himself. This may account for that rapidity with which, in general, he despatched his sheets to the press, without being at the trouble of a fair copy. Whatever may be the logic or eloquence of the False Alarm, the House of Commons have since erased the resolution from the Journals. But whether they have not left materials for a future controversy, may be made a question.

In 1771, he published another tract, on the subject of Falkland Islands. The design was to show the impropriety of going to war with Spain for an island thrown aside from human use, stormy in winter, and barren in summer. For this work it is apparent that materials were furnished by direction of the minister.

At the approach of the general election in 1774, he wrote a short discourse, called The Patriot; not with any visible application to Mr. Wilkes; but to teach the people to reject the leaders of opposition, who called themselves patriots. In 1775 he undertook a pamphlet of more importance, namely, Taxation no Tyranny, in answer to the Resolutions and Address of the American Congress. The scope of the argument was, that distant colonies, which had in their assemblies a legislature of their own, were, notwithstanding, liable to be taxed in a British Parliament, where they had neither peers in one house, nor representatives in the other. He was of opinion, that this country was strong enough to enforce obedience. "When an Englishman," he says, "is told that the Americans shoot up like the hydra, he naturally

event has shown how much he and the minister of that day were mistaken.

The Account of the Tour to the Western Islands of Scotland, which was undertaken in the autumn of 1773, in company with Mr. Boswell, was not published till some time in the This book has been variously reyear 1775.

no liberal-minded The author of these

ceived; by some extolled for the elegance of the narrative, and the depth of observation on life and manners; by others, as much condemned, as a work of avowed hostility to the Scotch nation. The praise was, beyond all question, fairly deserved; and the censure, on due examination, will appear hasty and ill-founded. That Johnson entertained some prejudices against the Scotch, must not be dissembled. It is true, as Mr. Boswell says, "that he thought their success in England exceeded their proportion of real merit, and he could not but sce in them that nationality which Scotsman will deny." memoirs well remembers, that Johnson one day asked him, "Have you observed the difference between your own country impudence and Scotch impudence?" The answer being in the negative: "Then I will tell you," said Johnson. "The impudence of an Irishman is the impudence of a fly, that buzzes about you, and you put it away, but it returns again, and flutters and teazes you. The impudence of a Scotsman is the impudence of a leech, that fixes and sucks your blood." Upon another occasion, this writer went with him into the shop of Davis the bookseller, in Russel-street, Covent-garden, Davis came running to him almost out of breath with joy: "The Scots gentleman is come, Sir; his principal wish is to see you; he is now in the back-parlour." "Well, well, I'll see the gentleman," said Johnson. He walked towards the room. Mr. Boswell was the person. This writer followed with no small curiosity. "I find," said Mr. Boswell, "that I am come to London at a bad time, when great popular prejudice has gone forth against us North Britons; but when I am talking to you, I am talking to a large and liberal mind, and you know that I cannot help coming from Scotland." "Sir," said Johnson, "no more can the rest of your countrymen.'

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He had other reasons that helped to alienate him from the natives of Scotland. Being a cordial well-wisher to the constitution in Church and State, he did not think that Calvin and John Knox were proper founders of a national religion. He made, however, a wide distinction between the Dissenters of Scotland and the Separatists

* Mr. Boswell's account of this introduction is very different from the above. See his Life of Johnson, vol, i p. 360, 8vo. Edit. 1804.

trees on the east side of Scotland. Mr. Pen-
nant, in his Tour, says, that in some parts of
the eastern side of the country, he saw several
large plantations of pine planted by gentlemen
near their seats; and in this respect such a
laudable spirit prevails, that, in another half cen-
tury it never shall be said, "To spy the nakedness
of the land are you come.' Johnson could not
wait for that half century, and therefore men-
tioned things as he found them. If in any thing
he has been mistaken, he has made a fair apo-

of England. To the former he imputed no dis-
affection, no want of loyalty. Their soldiers
and their officers had shed their blood with zeal
and courage in the service of Great Britain;
and the people, he used to say, were content
with their own established modes of worship,
without wishing, in the present age, to give any
disturbance to the Church of England. This
he was at all times ready to admit; and there-
fore declared, that whenever he found a Scotch-
man to whom an Englishman was as a Scotch-
man, that Scotchman should be as an English-logy in the last paragraph of his book, avowing
man to him. In this, surely, there was no ran-
cour, no malevolence. The Dissenters on this
side the Tweed appeared to him in a different
light. Their religion, he frequently said, was
too worldly, too political, too restless and am-
bitious. The doctrine of cashiering kings, and
erecting on the ruins of the constitution a new
form of government, which lately issued from
their pulpits, he always thought was, under a
calm disguise, the principle that lay lurking in
their hearts. He knew that a wild democracy
had overturned Kings, Lords, and Commons;
and that a set of Republican Fanatics, who
would not bow at the name of Jesus, had taken
possession of all the livings and all the parishes
in the kingdom. That those scenes of horror
might never be renewed, was the ardent wish
of Dr. Johnson; and though he apprehended
no danger from Scotland, it is probable that his
dislike of Calvinism mingled sometimes with
his reflections on the natives of that country.
The association of ideas could not be easily
broken; but it is well known that he loved and
respected many gentlemen from that part of the
island. Dr. Robertson's History of Scotland,
and Dr. Beattie's Essays, were subjects of his
constant praise. Mr. Boswell, Dr. Rose of
Chiswick, Andrew Millar, Mr. Hamilton, the
printer, and the late Mr. Strahan, were among
his most intimate friends. Many others might
be added to the list. He scorned to enter Scot-
land as a spy; though Hawkins, his biographer,
and the professing defender of his fame, allowed
himself leave to represent him in that ignoble
character. He went into Scotland, to survey
men and manners. Antiquities, fossils, and
minerals, were not within his province. He
did not visit that country to settle the station of
Roman camps, or the spot where Galgacus
fought the last battle for public liberty. The
people, their customs, and the progress of litera-
ture, were his objects. The civilities which he
received in the course of his tour have been re-fuge of guilt." This reasoning carries with it
paid with grateful acknowledgment, and, gene-
rally, with great elegance of expression. His
crime is, that he found the country bare of trees,
and he has stated the fact. This, Mr. Boswell,
in his Tour to the Hebrides, has told us, was
resented by his countrymen with anger inflamed
to raucour; but he admits that there are few

with candour, "That he may have been sur-
prised by modes of life, and appearances of na-
ture, that are familiar to men of wider survey,
and more varied conversation. Novelty and
ignorance must always be reciprocal; and he is
conscious that his thoughts on national manners
are the thoughts of one who has seen but little."
The Poems of Ossian made a part of John-
son's inquiry during his residence in Scotland
and the Hebrides. On his return to England,
November 1773, a storm seemed to be gathering
over his head; but the cloud never burst, and
the thunder never fell.-Ossian, it is well
known, was presented to the public as a tran-
slation from the Earse; but that this was a
fraud, Johnson declared without hesitation.
"The Earse," he says, "was always oral only,
and never a written language. The Welsh and
the Irish were more cultivated. In Earse there
was not in the world a single manuscript a
hundred years old. Martin, who in the last
century published an Account of the Western
Islands, mentions Irish, but never Earse manu-
scripts, to be found in the islands in his time.
The bards could not read; if they could, they
might probably have written. But the bard
was a barbarian among barbarians, and, know-
ing nothing himself, lived with others that
knew no more. If there is a manuscript from
which the translation was made, in what age
was it written, and where is it? If it was col-
lected from oral recitation, it could only be in
detached parts and scattered fragments: the
whole is too long to be remembered. Who put
it together in its present form?" For these, and
such like reasons, Johnson calls the whole an
imposture. He adds, "The editor, or author,
never could show the original, nor can it be
shown by any other. To revenge reasonable
incredulity, by refusing evidence, is a degree of
insolence with which the world is not yet ac-
quainted; and stubborn audacity is the last re-

great weight. It roused the resentment of Mr.
Macpherson. He sent a threatening letter to
the author; and Johnson answered him in the
rough phrase of stern defiance. The two heroes
frowned at a distance, but never came to action.
In the year 1777, the misfortunes of Dr. Dodd
excited his compassion. He wrote a speech for
d

1070

position. They have embalmed the dead. But it is true, that they had incitements and advantages, even at a distant day, which could not, by any diligence, be obtained by Dr. Johnson. The wits of France had ample materials. They lived in a nation of critics, who had at heart the honour done to their country by their Poets, their Heroes, and their Philosophers. They had, besides, an Academy of Belles-Lettres, where Genius was cultivated, refined, and encouraged. They had the tracts, the essays, and dissertations, which remain in the memoirs of the Academy, and they had the speeches of the several members, delivered at their first admission to a seat in that learned Assembly. In those speech

that unhappy man, when called up to receive judgment of death; besides two petitions, one to the King, and another to the Queen and a sermon to be preached by Dodd to the convicts in Newgate. It may appear trifling to add, that about the same time he wrote a prologue to the comedy of "A Word to the Wise," written by Hugh Kelly. The play, some years before, had been damned by a party on the first night. It was revived for the benefit of the author's widow. Mrs. Piozzi relates, that when Johnson was rallied for these exertions, so close to one another, his answer was, "When they come to me with a dying Parson, and a dead Stay-maker, what can a man do?" We come now to the last of his literary labours. At the requestes the new Academician did ample justice to of the Booksellers he undertook the Lives of the Poets. The first publication was in 1779, and the whole was completed in 1781. In a memorandum of that year he says, some time in March he finished the Lives of the Poets, which he wrote in his usual way, dilatorily and hastily, unwilling to work, yet working with vigour and haste. In another place, he hopes they are written in such a manner as may tend to the promotion of piety. That the history of so many men, who, in their different degrees, made themselves conspicuous in their time, was not written recently after their deaths, seems to be an omission that does no honour to the Republic of Letters. Their contemporaries in general ooked on with calm indifference, and suffered Wit and Genius to vanish out of the world in total silence, unregarded, and unlamented. Was there no friend to pay the tribute of a tear? No just observer of life, to record the virtues of the deceased? Was even Envy silent? It seemed to have been agreed, that if an author's works survived, the history of the man was to give no moral lesson to after ages. If tradition told us that Ben Johnson went to the Devil Tavern; that Shakspeare stole deer, and held the stirrup at playhouse doors; that Dryden frequented Button's Coffee-house; curiosity was lulled asleep, and biography forgot the best part of her function, which is to instruct mankind by examples taken from the school of life. This task remained for Dr. Johnson, when years had rolled away; when the channels of information were, for the most part, choked up, and little remained besides doubtful anecdote, uncertain tradition, and vague report.

"Nunc situs informis premit et deserta Vetustas." The value of Blography has been better understood in other ages, and in other countries. Tacitus informs us, that to record the lives and characters of illustrious men was the practice of the Roman authors, in the early periods of the Republic. In France the example has been followed. Fontenelle, D'Alembert, and Monsieur Thomas, have left models in this kind of com

the memory of his predecessor; and though his
harangue was decorated with the colours of elo-
quence, and was, for that reason, called panegy-
ric, yet being pronounced before qualified judges,
who knew the talents, the conduct, and morals
of the deceased, the speaker could not, with
propriety, wander into the regions of fiction.
The truth was known, before it was adorned.
The Academy saw the marble before the artist
polished it. But this country has had no Aca-
demy of Literature. The public mind, for
centuries, has been engrossed by party and fac-
tion; by the madness of many for the gain of a
few; by civil wars, religious dissensions, trade
and commerce, and the arts of accumulating
wealth. Amidst such attentions, who can won-
der that cold praise has been often the only re-
ward of merit? In this country Doctor Na-
thaniel Hodges, who, like the good bishop of
Marseilles, drew purer breath amidst the conta-
gion of the plague in London, and, during the
whole time, continued in the city, administering
medical assistance, was suffered, as Johnson
used to relate with tears in his eyes, to die for
debt in a gaol. In this country, the man who
brought the New River to London was ruined
by that noble project; and in this country, Ot-
way died for want on Tower Hill; Butler, the
great author of Hudibras, whose name can
only die with the English language, was left to
languish in poverty, the particulars of his life
almost unknown, and scarce a vestige of him
left except his immortal poem. Had there been
an Academy of Literature, the lives, at least, of
those celebrated persons would have been writ-
ten for the benefit of posterity. Swift, it seems,
had the idea of such an institution, and pro-
posed it to Lord Oxford; but Whig and Tory
were more important objects. It is needless
to dissemble, that Dr. Johnson, in the Life
of Roscommon, talks of the inutility of such
a project. "In this country," he
66
says, an
Academy could be expected to do but little.
If an Academician's place were profitable, it
would be given by interest; if attendance were
gratuitous, it would be rarely paid, and no man

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