tolical, which-Barrow's argument, in seven particulars-Condemns a political Church-Not divine-Hallowed boast of Independents— Effect.'

At first sight this appears to be any thing but a dissertation, and more likely to perplex and confuse than to settle and define, Terms and Prínciples. But the author has executed his design; and albeit, that in our corporate capacity of Protestant Eclecticians, we have not sworn allegiance to Independency, or to the Congregational, or any other Union, we are prepared to assert that he has successfully executed his design, which was of that mixed character already referred to. Instead of repeating the stale arguments on behalf of this particular polity, we have the blending of fact with them, and an agglomeration of authorities; so that the argument itself, in favor of the system, stands out in bold relief, as a logical conclusion, based upon sound scriptural exposition, illustrated and confirmed by opponents, and at the same time invested with historical reality.

6

After briefly referring to the rise' of this denomination of Christians, which is commonly limited to the sixteenth century, but which in all probability may claim an earlier origin, we come to the State-Church reformers, Presbyterians, or Puritans,'-and from an old tract, by Josiah Nichols, an humble servant of the English Church,' published in 1602, for the common good of the Church and commonwealth of this realm of England,' we have set before us a concise and perspicuous account of the progress of these affairs. But we are favored with a note before Josiah Nichols is permitted to speak, on the succumbing of the state-clergy to state dictation, or in other words, on the fluctuations of the state-church,' which we shall quote.

Fifty years had discovered four entire changes of the Established religion, as it is called. Popery prevailed until 1533, when it was superseded by Protestantism; twenty years after Popery was restored; and, in the short space of five years more, Protestantism became predominant. So in days of yore, The times under Dioclesian were Pagan; under Constantine, Christian; under Constantius, Arian; under Julian, apostate; under Jovian, Christian again; and all within the age of man-the term of seventy years! Would it not,' asks Thomas Fuller, 'have wrenched and sprained his soul with short turning, who, in all these, should have been of the religion for the time being?'-Holy State, 1663, fol. p. 200.

As to the points indicated in table of contents, under the topics of the State-Church reformers, Presbyterian or Puritan -Their rise-Progress-Subscription, when first enforced-Enforced 'again Precisians, the same with Puritans-MartinistsBrownists-Conventiclers,' our friend Josiah Nichols is largely

quoted.

The popular power of the church, or as it is called in the table, the people's power, is then discussed.

Among the controversies of the age thus passed under review, that which the Puritans instituted concerning the office of lay-eldership induced some who had watched the progress of its rigid investigation, or who had themselves engaged in it, not to stop short in their scriptural deductions; not to halt where the larger number had agreed to rest. For the Prelatical body disdained then, as now, to permit any co-operation on the part of the people, in disseminating religion by teaching; or to admit them to exercise any ecclesiastical authority. And the Presbyterians, intercepted, on their part, the rights of the people, by admitting 'only certain of them to a kind of co-ordinate jurisdiction. Engrossment of power is the essence of either system.

'Bishop Hall and Milner deny independency,' but then we have a powerful passage from Gibbon, a rank Tory, who af'firms it,' and a still more lucid statement from Tindal, who 'shows it,'—a most pertinent extract from Mosheim, who 'con'firms it.' The quotations that remain would be sufficient, one would imagine, to convert even the candid and unwily lord of London. Barrow distinctly says: At first each church was 'settled apart, so as independently and separately to manage its 'own concerns; each was governed by its own head, and had its ' own laws.' What says the doughty archiepiscopal champion,' Whitgift? When I said that the state of the church was 'popular,' in the apostles' time, I spake of the outward form, 'show, and government of it, which therefore I call 'popular,' 'because the church itself, that is, the whole multitude, had in'terest almost in every thing, especially whilst the church remain'ed at Jerusalem.' But the clenching quotation is from Barrow's work on the Unity of the Church. Mr. Hanbury says, 'we rejoice at being able to draw our materials from the writings ' of that preeminent son of the establishment already cited, Dr. 'Isaac Barrow, whose subsequent words and augmentation show 'clearly the very constitution of Independent churches, and whence 'we challenge the affinity of their discipline to be far more ac'cordant to scriptural institution, and therefore far more apostoli'cal than that of any ecclesiastical system which has ever been 'incorporated into, or allied, in any way, to secular governments. 'Yes, we cannot but rejoice that the pen of a divine of such a 'large and comprehensive mind should have been providentially 'made subservient to a faithful exhibition of truly primitive Christianity, and still more, as it is entirely free from suspicion ' of collision or designed accommodation.'

The extract is singularly valuable. The last of the seven arguments is worthy of Milton himself; and as it may not be familiar to many of our readers, its quotation will not be uninteresting:

'This political unity doth not well accord with the nature and genius of the evangelical dispensation. Our Saviour affirmed that his 'kingdom is not of this world,' and St. Paul telleth us, that it consisteth in spiritual influence upon the souls of men, producing in them virtue, spiritual joy, and peace. It disavoweth and discountenanceth 'the elements of the world,' by which worldly designs are carried on, and worldly frames sustained. It requireth not to be managed by politic artifices or 'fleshly wisdom,' but by simplicity, sincerity, plain dealing; as every subject of it must lay aside all guile,' and dissimulation, so especially the officers of it must do so, in conformity to the apostles, who had their conversation in the world,' and prosecuted their design in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God; not walking in craftiness, nor handling the word of God deceitfully,' &c. It needeth not to be supported or enlarged by wealth and pomp, or by compulsive force and violence, for God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and the weak things of the world to confound the mighty; base despicable things, &c., that no flesh should glory in his presence; and 'the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God,' &c. It discountenanceth the imposition of new laws and precepts, besides those which God hath enjoined, or which are necessary for order and edification; derogating from the liberty of Christians, and from the simplicity of our religion. The government of the Christian state is represented purely spiritual, administered by meek persuasion, not by imperious awe; as an humble ministry, not as stately domina tion; for the apostles themselves did not lord it over men's faith,' but did co-operate to their joy; they did not preach' themselves, but Christ Jesus to be the Lord,' and themselves their servants for Jesus.' It is expressly forbidden to them to domineer over God's people. They are to be qualified with gentleness and patience; they are forbidden to 'strive,' and enjoined to be gentle towards all, apt to teach, patient, in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves. They are to convince, to rebuke,' to 'exhort with all long suffering and doctrine.' They are furnished with no arms beside the divine panoply; they bear no 'sword' but that of the Spirit,' which is the word of God; they may teach, reprove, they cannot compel. They are not to be entangled in the cares of this life.'

6

The Christian church is averse from pomp, doth reject domination, doth not require craft, wealth, or force, to maintain it; but did at first, and may subsist without such means.'

Having thus endeavoured to show that Independency is grounded on Scripture alone,' Mr. Hanbury proposes to 'pursue the project of giving some account of its advancement in our own country.'

In the thirty-three chapters of the present volume, we have the denominational history of the congregational body, brought down to the grand crisis of persecution and resistance, in the midst of the reign of King Charles I. The rise and progress of that body-what their founders and confessors thought-how

they acted their political, moral, and religious doctrines and practices-their sufferings and trials-their heroic firmnesstheir imperfections, and schisms, and quarrels, whilst working out their own redemption from spiritual bondage, and preparing the nation to work out, under divine providence, its redemption from political slavery, are set forth and pourtrayed with all that abundance of historical and documentary illustration, which we have spoken of as the invaluable results of Mr. Hanbury's diligence and research. We verily believe that whatever could be collected from print or manuscript, has been produced. Nothing 'germane to the matter' has been neglected, that could be brought to bear upon the task in hand from any quarter, whether from the mustiest folio, or the obscurest pamphlet; or to be obtained by ransacking offices, libraries, stalls, and museums, and by exercising great ingenuity and scrupulosity in abstracting, weighing, testing, and collecting his materials, appears to have been omitted, or seems to have escaped the notice, or eluded the sagacity of our indefatigable compiler. To a person who denies, or is indifferent to, the rights of conscience, or, in other words, refuses to take his stand on the vantage-ground of scripture and right reason, the volume, with its mass of texts, authorities, quotations, and references, will not only be uninteresting, but absolutely unintelligible-a mere chaos of crotchets, meaningless, sapless, worthless. But to him whose heart beats time with the aspirations of earth's best emancipator, who has caught one spark of the living fire that warmed the breasts of the church's best reformers to the man who fears God, and who fearing God, has learned to regard his fellow man, not as a being whose soul the devil is at liberty to imbrute, and whose body the tyrants of this world are at liberty to mangle, torment, and destroy, but as a being who is the foremost favorite of heaven, whom God has made to reflect his image, adore his power, hymn his mercy, and dwell for ever in his beatific presence-to such a one, so sympathising, and so loving, these acts and monuments of no mean struggle, will be as a page out of the great book of providence; and the memorials will be read in the light that springs up in the bosom of faith and charity, when tracing the dealings of that inscrutable providence with the militant church, and pondering

The ways of God to man.

He alone will study this interesting volume with profit, who entertains adequate conceptions of the dignity of his species-who cherishes the most ardent love for his fallen race-who trembles at the bare idea of attempting to subject that mighty emanation from God, another's conscience, to his own-and who would rather suffer death himself than inflict it on another, on account of his obedience to the dictates of that conscience. In the esti

mation of such a reader, the work will soon spread out itself, in its entirety, before him, as a harmonious whole. For such, and for such only, indeed, is the book written. It is worse than useless to attempt to interest any other class of readers.

We know not what impression this book will make on the public mind generally, but we know what impression it ought to make on the Protestant mind of this country. Its bearing on the interests of religious liberty is direct; and what higher interests can there be? The church of England does not affect to be any longer the bulwark of Protestantism, and the defence of the great principles of the reformed faith, is now devolved upon the very sects, which her corruptions have raised up. The delusion of centuries as to the real character of the prelatical church is fast passing away. She now avows herself to be a genuine daughter of Rome. The separatists from her communion may have long so regarded her; but she now confesses her birth, parentage, and education; and as the legitimate offspring of the papal monster, makes loving and filial overtures to her mother. At the present crisis, therefore, we cannot too strongly recommend the diligent perusal of such a truly Protestant work as Mr. Hanbury's; and we heartily bid him 'God speed' in his arduous undertaking.

Art. VIII. A Treatise on the Industry of Nations; or the Principles of National Economy and Taxation. By J. S. EISDELL, Esq., in two volumes. London: Whittaker and Co. 1839. 8vo. pp. 613. pp. 435.

THERE is a stage through which almost all mankind have to pass in their progress towards civilization, remarkable for the prevalence of sound over sense,-of rhetoric over reason. For a time, words actually bear a higher value than things: and some orator, favoured by circumstances, or gifted with an imperial imagination, becomes the real magician of his day. Men marvel at the wonders of his mouth, or his pen; and let him but deliver his soul of one or more sentences sufficiently rhythmical for the occasion, even falsehood itself shall assume the wings of truth to fly abroad from one end of the land to the other, and delude a shallow generation. Thus it was, that in the Reflections on the French Revolution, the fears and weaknesses of a great genius acquired a wider diffusion than the undeniable wisdom, which in happier moments, Mr. Burke had uttered or published. People received amidst a tempest of applause such fallacious assertions, as that the age of chivalry was gone; that of sophistry, ECONO'MISTS, and calculators had succeeded; whilst the glory of Europe 'was (thereby) extinguished for ever! The facts of the case